CIA:
CUBA
ACCUSES
[This document is from a newspaper
printed
in Cuba in 1978 in English. It brought some new words into the
English
language as the reader will see. The text was copied as it
appeared,
spelling, grammar, and vocabulary --- as written.]
CIA: CUBA ACCUSES
Printed by the Cuban National Preparatory Committee of the XI World
Festival
of Youth and Students, 1978.
Composition "emplane" and impression: Polygraphic Enterprise
Alfredo
Lopez" from Cultural Minister, Habana, July 1978
HOW HAS THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY OBSCURED AND TWISTED
INFORMATION CONCERNING THE ASSASSINATIONS OF POLITICAL LEADERS AND THE
DEATH
OF JOHN F. KENNEDY?
_____________________________ The plot to involve Cuba in the
assassination
of Kennedy
_____________________________ CUBA REVEALS!
CIA: CUBA ACCUSES
The tenebrous forces that planned, financed and ordered the
assassination
of the President of the United states have tried to deceive the US
public
and world opinion about the real causes and the real culprits of the
Dallas
crime, to affect the growing prestige of the Cuban Revolution and to
fabricate
a pretext for an aggression against Cuba.
Lee Harvey Oswald was an agent of the United States Central
Intelligence
Agency.
There are many obscure areas of the investigations carried out so far
in
the United States.
US intelligence bodies have deliberately and systematically lied and
withheld
the information necessary to definitively clarify those responsible for
an
implicated in the events of November 22, 1963
In a subtle way, doubts are created and elements are fabricated to
confuse
and to divert attention, to maintain the view and the possibility that
the
Cuban Revolution had something to do with the assassination of Kennedy.
THE PLOT TO INVOLVE CUBA IN THE ASSASSINATION OF
JOHN F. KENNEDY
September 27, 1963. A man who claims to be Lee Harvey Oswald, a
US
citizen, comes to the Cuban Consulate in Mexico City. He
ostentatiously
carries a book by Lenin under his arm. He requests a visa to stay
in
Cuba for one or two weeks on route to the Soviet Union and presents a
document
to accredit him as a member of the Communist Party of the United States
and
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.
Less than two months afterwards, Lee Harvey Oswald's name made the
front
page in newspapers all over the world. He was arrested on
November
22, accused of being directly responsible for the assassination of John
F.
Kennedy, President of the United States.
The clash of interests in the high ruling circles of US society led to
the
assassination of the main executive figure. But the tenebrous
forces
that planned, financed, directed and ordered the Dallas crime, as a way
to
solve the internal contradictions of Yankee imperialism for the benefit
of
the most reactionary sections of the "turbulent and brutal North" add a
further,
insidious, and craven element: a conspiracy to involve the Cuban
Revolution
in the assassination of Kennedy and to deceive US and world opinion
about
the real causes and the real culprits of the Dallas crime, to try to
diminish
Cuba's growing prestige and fabricate a pretext to activate certain
plans
to overthrow the Revolutionary Government by force. Oswald, who
was
a cog in the wheel, was at the same time, the first effort of those
imperialist
sections to involve Cuba in the Dallas crime.
After the events of November 22, 1963, assassination set the propaganda
machinery
into motion to try to label Oswald a Marxist and an active sympathizer
of
the Cuban Revolution...Later on, it would become clear that the plan
also
involved fabricating an alleged relationship between Oswald and Cuban
officials,
whereby Oswald was following orders from Cuba when he shot the
President
of the United States.
But, actually, who was this man named Oswald?
Lee Harvey Oswald became a CIA agent in the late '50.
On October 24, 1956, he enlisted in the Marine Corps as a private and
was
sent to Japan, where he was trained as a radio and telegraph
operator.
Between 1957 and 1958, he was recruited by the United States Central
Intelligence
Agency.
This has been publicly confirmed by former CIA official James D.
Wilcott,
who worked in the Finance Section of the Tokyo CIA Station.
Oswald
was trained at the Atsugi Naval Air Station, an operation base used for
the
special activities of the United States Central Intelligence Agency
center
in Japan.
Oswald was recruited to be infiltrated as a spy in the Soviet
Union.
He arrived there on October 16, 1959 and stayed until June 1, 1962.
On June 26, 1962, after his return to the United States, Oswald was
asked
by FBI agents John W. Fain and Thomas Carter to infiltrate into various
political
groups, especially the Young Socialist Alliance, the Socialist Workers'
Party,
and in the Communist Party newspaper The Worker, to give the FBI
information
on the members of the Slavic immigrants' community at Fort Worth, to
which
his wife Marina Prusakova, belonged.
In August, 1962, Oswald subscribed to The Worker, and offered his
services
as a photographer. Around October and November of that year he
came
into contact with the Socialist Labor Party and subscribed to the
Socialist
Workers' Party publication The Militant. During all that winter
he
corresponded with those groups.
In April, 1963, he went to New Orleans to penetrate the groups there
that
sympathized with the Cuban Revolution. During his stay in New
Orleans
he set up a fake branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and
distributed
printed material in favor of the Cuban revolutionary process to gain
the
Committee's approval.
On August 9, he got involved in a riot with Cuban counter
revolutionaries
who were holding a meeting; this was filmed and shown on TV.
Carlos
Bringuier, a delegate of the counterrevolutionary organization who was
arrested
with Oswald, stated that the latter tried to infiltrate an
anti-Castro
group. The scheme continued and, less than two weeks later,
Oswald
appeared on a radio program on Cuba. On August 21, through the
microphones
of the WDSU radio station, Oswald, said: "I am a Marxist."
All these steps were directed toward creating an image of him, of
making
Oswald a figure known as a fervent sympathizer of the Cuban
Revolution.
That would make it easy to relate him, at a given moment, with the
revolutionary
government.
In August, 1963, Oswald began to make arrangements to go to the USSR
again.
This was also part of the plan. The first arrangements were made
by
his wife Marina, the later ones he made himself. He had already
told
the Soviet Embassy in June that he wanted a separate visa for his
return.
___(photograph of John F. Kennedy)
with caption: Another step towards completion of the fabricated
assassination
of Kennedy--a true copy of a letter (now in the hands of Cuban
authorities)
through which an attempt was made to implicate Cuba in the
assassination
of the President of the United States
___(photograph)
with caption: John F. Kennedy surrounded by leaders of the
Pentagon
___document (letter to Lee Harvey Oswald from Jorge)
La Havana
November 14, 1963
Lee Harvey Oswald
Miami, Fla
My friend Lee:
I am writing to you to ask how are you things in the Florida.
Here
we have not to much to tell. I would like to tell you that the
thing
that you talked to me last time we were in Mexico, would be a perfect
plan
that would weak the political "fanfarron" of Kennedy, even though you
need
a lot of "prudencia"(care) because you know how are moving the
counterrevolutionary
friends that work for the CIA. Well, Lee, remember to send me via
Mexico
the thing that you told me and as soon as________________________ go to
Houston
to see your
family___________________________________________________________
______________________________________________and in relation to the
other
thing I hope everything will come out perfect.
Hugs and say Hi
Jorge
Write me to the usual address. Margaret the blond from
Flager,
is living with a rebel official that put an apartment for her. I
will
send you the spanish books the next.
"Patria o Muerte"
We will conquer
"Viva la Revolucion"
"Abajo el imperialismo"
_________________________________________________________________
On September 25, according to the Warren Commission, he left for Mexico
City.
On the 27th an alleged Lee Harvey Oswald went to the Cuban Consulate
and
requested a visa to stay in Cuba for one or two weeks on route to the
USSR.
But the alleged Oswald could not obtain the visa to travel to
Cuba,
so that part of the plan fell through. Otherwise, the instigators
would
have had new arguments for the conspiracy against Cuba. On
October
2, he returned to Dallas and got a city job at the Texas Book deposit
warehouse,
through Mrs. Ruth Paine, also linked to the CIA and at whose house
Oswald
was staying.
On November 22 ( Oswald was arrested an charged with Kennedy's
assassination.
Immediately, the great campaign to get Cuba involved in the Dallas
crime
began to be orchestrated. The man who had killed Kennedy was
supposedly
linked to Cuban revolutionaries; they had tried to build up that
image.
To prevent the truth from coming out, to prevent discovery of the plot
being
framed against Cuba, they had to quickly eliminate Oswald, who must
have
naively believed that the masterminds in this crime would keep their
promises
and that he would have no problems.
There had to be two possibilities for eliminating Oswald in case the
first
one failed. On November 22, after the assassination of Kennedy,
an
obscure confrontation between policeman J.P. Tippit and Oswald took
place
and Tippit was killed. This caused Oswald's arrest and the
possibility
that he would meet newsmen, investigators and other people.
The tenebrous plot of the most reactionary forces in the United States
was
in jeopardy. If Oswald talked, all was lost. Oswald could
not
be permitted to confess. On November 24, less than 48 hours after
the
arrest of the man who had supposedly killed Kennedy, Oswald was shot
down
in the cellar of the police station, right before his guards. The
new
link in the chain became Jack Ruby, the owner of the Carrousel night
club
in Dallas, a man with Mafia connections. No one knows how he got
permission
to enter the police station.
The image fabricated for Oswald was weak and, despite the steps taken
and
the campaign to relate him with Cuba, the truth made way right from the
beginning
and the scheme crumbled.
V.T. Lee, then President of the Fair Play for Cuba National Committee,
said
there was no branch of that organization in New Orleans and that there
was
no Lee Harvey Oswald that had belonged to the Committee.
The Communist Party of the United States has also said that Oswald
never
belonged to that organization.
When the Johnson administration created the Warren Commission to
investigate
the assassination of Kennedy in 1963, the CIA submitted a photograph to
prove
that Oswald had visited the Cuban consulate in Mexico. The
picture,
which was widely publicized, showed the alleged Oswald when he visited
the
Cuban offices.
But the person in the photograph was not Oswald. Pressed by
public
scandal, the CIA admitted this...but the whole affair has been covered.
This presented new contradictions, because the CIA had the means to
prove
whether or not it was Oswald who went to the Cuban consulate in
Mexico.
All that time the CIA had a secret espionage center set up to
photograph
and keep constant surveillance over the persons who visited the Cuban
consulate
and embassy in Mexico, to engage in electronic espionage and monitor
the
bugging devices installed by the CIA in the Cuban offices. The
CIA
center was it 149-1 Francisco Marquez Street, Colonia Condesa, Mexico,
D.F.
across the street from the Cuban embassy.
At the same address there was a point for liaison and communication
with
the surveillance team the CIA kept near the Cuban embassy and the Cuban
consulate,
to follow persons of interest and to establish a system to watch over
and
harass visitors.
The person in charge of this CIA center was Alberto Cesar Augusto
Rodriguez
Gallego, of cuban origin, who pretended to be Colombian and who now
lives
in Spain and works at the Berlitz Language School at 80 Jose Antonio
Street,
Madrid.
If those mechanisms existed, why does the photograph submitted to the
Warren
Commission show someone else and not the real Oswald? The CIA can
produce
from its files the negatives of all the persons that visited the Cuban
consulate
on September 27, 1963. Agent Rodriguez Gallego can provide
details
on this.
It can be added that in her statement before the Warren Commission,
Mrs.
Silvia Odio said that on September 26, 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald an two
other
persons visited her house in New Orleans. This contradicts the
other
results of the investigation which gave Oswald as traveling by bus from
New
Orleans to Mexico City that day.
THE VERY SAME WHO PLOTTED AND CARRIED OUT KENNEDY'S ASSASSINATION ARE
ORGANIZING
THE CAMPAIGN TO INVOLVE CUBA IN HIS DEATH AT DALLAS
Why was Mrs. Odio's statement ignored? The Warren Commission was
also
reported that the Nicaraguan Gilberto Alvarado Ugarte had reported to
the
United States Embassy in Mexico that he had heard some Cuban
officials
discussing the assassination of Kennedy and that they had said that
Oswald
had received a sum of money from Cuba.
This information was given to the Chief of the CIA Station in Mexico,
who
in turn transmitted it to headquarters in the United States. It
was
all a gross slander. Shortly after, the Warren Commission under
Johnson's
administration, decided it was a fabrication and rejected it.
But, who made up this preposterous lie? Silvia Duran, a Mexican
employee
of the Cuban consulate in Mexico City was arrested and they tried to
force
her to sign a statement to back up Alvarado Ugarte's version. She
refused
to back that lie.
The campaign by Yankee imperialism to try to link Oswald to Cuba
reached
scandalous and unprecedented levels in the world reactionary
press.
The high point of the fabrication was British newspaper Comers Clark's
article
published on July 15, 1967, in which he invents a statement supposedly
made
by Fidel Castro admitting that he knew Oswald was planning to kill
President
Kennedy.
Cuba's Commander in Chief never granted an interview to Mr. Comer
Clark,
who claims to be a journalist and, from the lies he tells, must surely
be
serving the lowest interests.
In what proved to be a carefully planned campaign, the reactionary
press,
joined the plot against Cuba; the news agencies of the United States
and
other Western centers launched a series of lies and distortions.
The latest proofs that there was a carefully prepared plot to involve
Cuba
in the assassination of Kennedy through Oswald, a CIA agent, are three
letters
that pretend on the eve of the Dallas events; there these officials
presumably
gave him instructions on a future action in which he would take part
and
for which he would receive pay. These documents were supposedly
written
in Havana. Two of them got to the FBI files and were recently
declassified.
The other letter was to be sent from Cuba; Cuban authorities have the
original
document.
These letters were evidently forged, there is close relation between
them,
they are in consonance with the essence of the campaign to involve Cuba
in
the assassination of Kennedy and - had there not been obstacles to the
plan
that had Oswald as its main figure -they would surely have played an
important
role in creating a climate favorable for taking violent measures
against
the Cuban Revolution.
James D. Wilcott has said that several agents, including himself, often
discussed
the Oswald case. "One of CIA's plans for the Bay of Pigs attack",
he
has said, "was to try in some way to make Castro believe that the
attack
was coming from Guantanamo and have him counterattack. So it
seems
probable that the original plan to assassinate Kennedy was to have
Oswald
kill him and then be indicted. As he would be closely linked to
Castro,
there would be a pretext for another attempt at invading Cuba".
___document (Consulate of Cuba, Mexico, D.F.)
with caption: The escalation to throw the blame on Cuba for the Dallas
events
in 1963 continued. Oswald asked for a visa to travel to Havana.
___document (Consul of Cuba in Mexico)
with caption: On October 15th, 1961, the Cuban foreign Office
refused
Lee Harvey Oswald's request for a visa.
The Warren Commission finished its work in 1964 with an obscure thesis
on
a "single killer" but it could not or would not face the pressures of
certain
political and intelligence interests in the United States and it
purposely
did not clarify any alleged Cuban participation in the crime.
It is significant that the CIA and the FBI immediately reached the
public
conclusion that Oswald was the only killer. As a consequence of
US
public pressure--which led to the appointment of the Senate Select
Committee
to Study government Operations with respect to Intelligence
Activities--the
Kennedy case was reopened in the United States and the affair was
reviewed
in Congress for the first time.
In its report of April 14, 1976, the above mentioned committee, which
worked
basically on reviewing statements intended to relate Cuba with the
Dallas
crime, a number of contradictions and distortions in the process and
admitted.
Among other things, it points out that the Warren Commission did not
receive
all the information necessary for its report and that the CIA and the
FBI
concealed some things from the members of the Commission. It also
states
that the US intelligence bodies did not fulfill their responsibility in
establishing
the causes of the assassination.
In its report, the Committee states that "after President Kennedy's
death
the inquiries in the FBI and the CIA files proved that Lee Harvey
Oswald
was no stranger to the intelligence bodies."
Why hasn't the CIA admitted that Lee Harvey Oswald worked for the
Central
Intelligence Agency from 1957-58 on? Why hasn't the CIA admitted
that
Oswald carried out missions against USSR?
When they were unable to attain their goal on the basis of CIA
fabricated
evidence on the Cuban participation in the Kennedy assassination, the
real
culprits tried to keep the image and the suspicion of such preposterous
relations.
Once the maneuver of trying to show Oswald as someone close to Cuba was
destroyed
by the truth and the weakness of the campaign, new elements were
fabricated,
each time the Kennedy case was investigated in the United States.
These
elements were subtly expressed, tending to confuse and to maintain the
image
that the Cuban Revolution had something to do with the Dallas
crime.
the aim has been to leave matters obscure and to thus influence the US
and
world public.
They have even intended to establish links between the Cuban Revolution
and
the Mafia, which was deeply involved in the assassination of Kennedy.
Such gross lies crumble at the slightest analysis. The Mafia is
an
open enemy of the Cuban Revolution. The Cuban revolutionary
process,
from its very beginning, attacked the interests the Mafia had in Cuba
in
connivance with the Batista tyranny. Men from the
underworld
have been used by the CIA in their attempts to kill Fidel Castro.
Following the line of subtly instilling doubt and confusion, the latest
investigation
of the Kennedy assassination by the US Senate Select Committee
discreetly
inserts, among numerous FBI documents, the alleged existence of a
Cuban-American
who crossed the border from Texas to Mexico on November 23, 1963, and
took
a regular Cubana de Aviacion flight to Havana on November 27. The
FBI
told the Committee that person lives in Cuba. Although it is not
expressed
as an accusation, the assertion is plainly diversionist. It is
significant
that the FBI gave all the details of the "mysterious" trip of the
alleged
Cuban-American without revealing the name of the "suspect."
Another CIA scheme tending to confuse and encourage speculation on the
Cuban
Revolution's alleged implication and reprisal against Kennedy, is the
kind
of statement made by high-level CIA officials- -and reiterated before
the
Select Committee--on the possibility that someone working in Cuba for
the
CIA in a plot to assassinate Fidel Castro might be a "double
agent."
The US Senate Select Committee's Report 94-755 of April, 1976, and the
documents
referring to plans to assassinate political leaders of other countries,
published
in November 1975, refer to the above-mentioned CIA agent in Cuba by the
code
AM/LASH.
Further investigations by Cuban State Security reveal that the AM/LASH
referred
to in Committee documents and investigations is no other than Rolando
Cubelas
Secades, tried in Havana in Cause 108, 1966 and condemned to 25 years
imprisonment
for his participation in a CIA plot to assassinate Fidel Castro.
AM/LASH was a confessed CIA agent. The subtle scheme of the
possibility
that he was a "double agent" and therefore a source of information for
the
Cuban Revolution is a new element fabricated by the CIA to divert
attention
and create confusion and doubt. But the CIA falls into its own
trap.
The CIA has had to publicly admits its relation with AM/LASH. The
CIA
did not inform the Warren Commission, in 1964, of the existence of
operation
AM/LASH. No link was established then between their agent and the
Kennedy
assassination. Officials high in the CIA at that time recently
told
the Select Committee that there is no evidence of any relation between
operation
AM/LASH and the Kennedy assassination.
It must be borne in mind that the President of the United States was
assassinated
in 1963 and that, four years later, the CIA came up with the
alleged
links between the Dallas crime and a CIA assassination attempt against
Fidel
Castro's life.
Operation AM/LASH is, in any case, one more evidence of the criminal
essence
of the CIA; of how the CIA deceived Congress and even high government
officials.
If he had any relation with the assassination of Kennedy, it is for the
CIA
to explain. There are very obscure matters in this case which
have
yet not been made clear.
The Senate Select Committee report states that, on October 29, AM/LASH
met
in Paris with Desmond Fitzgerald, Chief of the SAS (then the Group in
Charge
of Operations Against Cuba) in the CIA. Significantly,
AM/LASH
was never mentioned by the CIA until November 22, 1963, the day on
which
Kennedy was killed. That day, when the Dallas crime was known,
the
CIA officer working with AM/LASH told him that he must temporarily call
off
the operation and the contact was also temporarily called off.
Only
the CIA can explain this strange coincidence.
In 1964 the CIA again established contact with AM/LASH through its
agent
Manuel Artime Buesa, with a cover as head of a counterrevolutionary
organization.
The CIA gave Artime the silencer to be used in the operation against
Fidel
Castro's life. The CIA can explain why, after 1964, the contacts
with
AM/LASH to discuss the operation were established by agent Artime (B-1
according
to the code in the Senate Select Committee report).
The subtle maneuver to make AM/LASH appear as a "double agent", to
pretend
that the revolutionary government would know, through that source, of
the
plans of the CIA against Commander in Chief Fidel Castro and that the
Cuban
Revolution in reprisal decided to assassinate Kennedy, is part of the
conspiracy
to maintain the image of Cuba's possible implication in the Dallas
crime.
"LEE HARVEY OSWALD WAS A CIA AGENT FROM THE LATE 1950"
The facts have proved that the shameless imperialist campaign has
crashed
against an unquestionable truth: the clear conduct of the
revolutionary
government of Cuba and of its main leaders, based on deep moral
principles
and consistently and systematically expressed in its foreign and
domestic
policy for almost twenty years.
It is also clear to any honest person that the real culprits are being
deliberately
concealed for fear of the political repercussions if it were to be
known
where the plan to assassinate Kennedy originated, who plotted it and
pushed
it through . If all this were exposed, the powerful US forces
that
represent a threat to world peace would be seriously jeopardized.
___(photograph)
with caption: Photographs of the supposed Oswald which appear in
the
Warren Commission Report, taken by a CIA spy center.
It is not by change that, since the tragic events of November 22, 1963,
over
100 persons that in one way or another had some relation with the
assassination
of Kennedy have died in obscure circumstances.
To assassinate the President of the United States, to orchestrate and
finance
an extraordinarily broad campaign with the initial purpose of
fabricating
a pretext, that would make it possible to take measures to eliminate
the
first and only bulwark of socialism in America, to kill approximately
100
persons linked to the Dallas crime, to prevent the various
investigations
carried out in the United States from reaching their logical
conclusions,
can only be managed by sectors with great power in the United
States.
This is crystal clear.
These forces want to make sure that the crime remains unpunished.
Nevertheless,
there are honest voices in the United States that fight so the
investigations
are not called off, to clarify everything about the Dallas crime and
the
chain of killings that followed it. Shocked at the growing moral
decadence
of that society the US public demands that the matter be thoroughly
investigated.
And together with them stand the peace-loving peoples and world youth,
who
--for basic moral and political principles-- cannot accept crime and
political
assassination as an alternative in today's world. Among those
peoples
there is Cuba, which for many years has had to fight the plots of the
US
Central Intelligence Agency against the life of the Revolution's
principal
leaders and that is outraged at the attempts powerful US forces to
involve
Cuba in the Dallas crime.
The web in this conspiracy must be untangled, we must demand that the
US
intelligence services reveal the details of the Kennedy assassination;
all
the obscure points in the investigations must be made clear, the real
culprits
must be exposed...It will then be evident that the same people who
planned,
financed and ordered the assassination of the US President are the
organizers,
instigators and masterminds of the shameless campaign to try to involve
the
Cuban Revolution in the Dallas crime; they are those who pay, order an
fabricate
the lies and slanders they have tried to use to spread doubt and
confusion.
THE "ZORRO" CASE
"Even after the United States Senate investigated and publicly
acknowledged
the countless CIA plots to assassinate leaders of the Cuban Revolution
and
its dedication to that end for a number of years, the United States
government
has given the Cuban government no explanation of those events nor has
it
in any way apologized."
"We suspect that the United States government has not given up such
practices.
On October 9, only three days after the criminal sabotage in Barbados,
a
message sent by the CIA to an agent in Havana was intercepted.
That
message, transmitted from the CIA's central headquarters in Langley,
Virginia,
says in part: Please inform at earliest opportunity any data
concerning
Fidel's attendance at the ceremony for the first anniversary of
Angola's
independence, November 11. If he's going, try to g et complete
itinerary
for Fidel's visit to other countries on the same trip.
"Another order, dated earlier, says: What is the official and
specific
reaction concerning bomb attacks against Cuban offices abroad?
What
are they going to do to avoid them and prevent them? Whom do they
suspect
is responsible? Will there be reprisals?
"We hope the United States government does not dare deny the truth of
these
instructions from the CIA's main offices, and many others sent to the
same
person, in flagrant acts of espionage. We have the code, the
ciphers
and every proof of authenticity for these messages. In this
particular
case, the presumed agent recruited by the CIA has kept the Cuban
government
informed from the very beginning and for ten years of all details of
every
contact he had with it, the equipment and instructions he
received.
The CIA thought the agent had succeeded in placing a modern electronic
microtransmitter
given to him for that purpose in no less a place than the office of
Comrade
Osmani Cienfuegos, Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Council
of
Ministers. Hence the CIA's certainly in assuming it would
receive,
in plenty of time, the pertinent information on any trip abroad made by
the
Cuban Prime Minister.
"Those who believe the CIA has changed one iota because of the
denunciations
its hair-raising actions have caused within United States society
itself
are deeply mistaken. Its methods will simply become more subtle
and
more perfidious.
"Why did the CIA want to know the exact itinerary of the Prime
Minister's
possible trip to Angola and other African countries in honor of
November
11? Why did it want to know what measures would be taken to
avoid
and prevent terrorist acts?"
These sensational disclosures made by Commander in Chief Fidel Castro
on
October 15, 1976, during the memorial meeting for the victims of the
Cubana
de Aviacion plane destroyed in flight, meant sacrificing a valuable
source
of information for the revolutionary state; but due to its importance
and
the light it shed on the CIA's attitude and activities, the
advisability
of the revelation was weighed.
Nearly a million persons, gathered in Revolution Square, listened to
the
details of the CIA's direct participation in the criminal sabotage of
Cubana's
plane at Barbados and learned about the alleged enemy agent.
The US government, of course, couldn't deny the accuracy of Fidel
Castro's
disclosures. Once again the CIA was exposed to world opinion.
But who was the alleged CIA agent Fidel mentioned? How did he
entered
the United States' Central Intelligence Agency? Was he a Cuban
Security
agent? What was his purpose in joining the CIA? When did he
do
so? What tasks did the sinister US intelligence agency give
him?
For the first time since Fidel Castro made those important disclosures,
the
story is told, in all its details.
Like all our Cuban State Security men, Nicolas Sirgado Ros is a simple
modest,
calm person. You would find it hard to believe that he was the
alleged
CIA agent mentioned by the leader of the Cuban Revolution on October
15,
1976.
This officer of Cuba's Security organization, infiltrated in the ranks
of
the United States Central Intelligence Agency for ten years, kept the
revolutionary
government minutely informed about CIA and US governmental plans and
intentions
concerning Cuba, its Revolution and its leaders.
In this interview with the Cuban press, Sirgado Ros explains to our
people
and the world, the background and most important aspects of the
self-sacrificing
and anonymous work he did for a decade.
When and how did your work for Cuban State Security begin, and how were
you
able to infiltrate the CIA?
I started working with the state security bodies at the beginning of
the
Revolution. It was my task during that period to associate with
counterrevolutionary
organizations and individuals that have since left the country.
In 1962, while I was carrying out these tasks, I was or ordered to
start
infiltrating the Central Intelligence Agency itself because of what
Cuban
Security already knew about CIA plots to assassinate the Commander in
Chief.
It was necessary to know what the enemy would do at that time--not only
the
counterrevolutionary organizations that might ultimately be the
executors,
but the CIA itself, from within that main center of direction of all
the
infamous "dirty tricks"...how, who, what and when had to be answered
with
respect to the plot to assassinate Fidel. And that became the
object
of my mission from the end of 1962 on. The actual direct contact
with
the CIA was achieved at the end of 1966, after years of patient
preparatory
work, as you can understand.
When the CIA recruited me in London in 1966, my cover work in Cuba was
as
general director of supplies for the Ministry of Construction headed at
that
time by Comrade Osmani Cienfuegos.
So the question of infiltrating the CIA was a meticulous, careful
long-term
concept right from the beginning, based on known information about
plans
for aggression against our country and concrete CIA plots to
assassinate
Commander in Chief Fidel Castro and, of course, on the Cuban
Revolution's
need to protect the people, their leaders and socialism
How were you recruited in London?
While I was on a trip to London for the Ministry of Construction at the
end
of 1966, I received a call from the alleged executive of a business
firm
we traded with asking for an interview with me to discuss "trade
questions."
The interview took place in a London hotel. A man who
called
himself Harold Bensen met me, said he was passing through London and
that
he was an Army Colonel who was in the CIA. Shortly after the
conversation
began, he showed me a photo of my children, to prove that he had
contacts
with individuals I knew who were connected with counterrevolutionary
organizations
in Cuba.
We had a long conversation and he openly and specifically asked me to
collaborate
with the CIA in the work it was doing against the Revolution. He
offered
me a salary to be paid in dollars and deposited in a checking account
in
the Chase Manhattan Bank in New York. He also assured me that,
after
a reasonable period of working for the CIA, I would have "the chance"
to
move to the United States.
Several others interviews followed this first one in London. In
addition
to outlining the intelligence interests they wanted me to undertake in
my
work for them, these interviews were used to train me in various
aspects
and techniques of espionage work.
___(Photograph) Kissinger
with caption: "Frank arrived and said a summary of the
information
I had sent him would go straight to Kissinger's desk".
___(Photograph) Nicolas Sirgado Ros
Can you elaborate on the training you got from the CIA?
First they trained me in secret writing, a method the CIA at
times
considered to be safer than radio transmissions. That method
includes
the use of a white paper, similar to a sheet of regular bond, but
chemically
treated. It acts like carbon paper in the sense that it retains
the
letters written on it. The techniques involves writing a regular
letter,
such as you might send to a friend or relative, as what they call the
open
text. On top of that letter or open text, you write the secret
message
using the chemically treated paper I mentioned. This message, is,
of
course, invisible. It can only be read when developed by special
chemicals
that are used for this type of paper.
During these training sessions, I was given instructions in how to use
a
camera to photograph documents, maps, plans and places and objectives
that
might be of interest to the CIA because of the installations they had.
The training included preparing microfilm to send these photos abroad
and
much more advanced photographic espionage method known as microdots
whereby
the photo is reduced to almost nothing so it can be hidden under the
dot
of an i in the text of a letter or post card sent through the regular
mail,
or in any king of technical publications that might easily be sent from
abroad.
I also received training in radio reception, in order to be able to
receive
and decode messages. In the first stage, music that had been
predetermined
with the agent was used to identify the real message. In this
case
I remember the song was, "You are Always in My Heart." When there
was
no real message, they immediately played "Pomp and Circumstance."
That training continued throughout the years in various meetings with
CIA
officials and I also given instructions in other more complex
techniques.
I was taught how to collect information, how to provide the
characteristics
of the leaders of the Revolution, surveillance and
countersurveillance...
Did they ever use a lie detector on you?
Yes, they used a lot of security measures. They used the lie
detector
three times. Sometimes there were lie detector sessions that were
more
than two and a half hours long.
Clearly, the CIA's aim in using this method is not so much to find out
whether
or not you're lying as to break you down, humiliate you, impose machine
over
mind. Whether or not it's effective, the method really seeks to
humiliate
and denigrate. It's a reflection of this espionage organization,
built
upon mistrust and of the lack of moral values to support its activities.
They offered me a salary to be paid in dollars and deposited in
New
York bank.
I passed every test. Instead of humiliating me they only
succeeded
in increasing my scorn for their methods.
They also used surveillance techniques in my hotel rooms abroad:
constant
surveillance that we easily detected, and some other measures as well.
I believe that both my training and the fact that I successfully passed
their
surveillance--thus destroying the CIA's "super- techniques"--helped
lengthen
and protect the CIA infiltration for ten years, at the same time that
it
strengthened their confidence in the alleged agent.
What intelligence interests did the CIA raise with you?
The enemy always proposed concrete tasks in terms of its information
interests.
Because of the importance the enemy attached to it, my task with
respect
to Commander in Chief Fidel Castro can be considered of primary
significance.
The CIA was interested in all the particulars concerning the First
Secretary
of our Party: his health and the doctors responsible for it, his
state
of mind, the moves he made and the routes he took, what worries he
might
have, where and when he might be traveling, etc. The whole
question
was made clear in the last message from the CIA read by Fidel in
Revolution
Square on October 15, 1976.
Enemy intelligence interests included constant requests for information
on
revolutionary leaders, particularly those I had access to, such as
Comrade
Osmani Cienfuegos. There were also frequent requests for
information
about Dorticos, Almeida, Hart, Carlos Rafael, Montane and a growing
list
of comrades who are leaders of our Revolution. There was great
interest
in Comrade Osmani Cienfuegos, because of his responsibilities as
Secretary
of the Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers and, therefore,
his
inside knowledge of important government questions. Such was the
interest
that, on one occasion Mike Ackerman, a US CIA officer I sometimes
worked
for, told me that if I managed to get closer to Osmani Cienfuegos I'd
get
a pay raise that would accordingly swell the bank account the CIA had
opened
for me abroad.
Another highly important intelligence interest involved information on
Cuba's
relation with Central American, South American and Caribbean
countries.
They were very concerned with what they called "exporting the
Revolution,"
and sought, by every means possible, to prove that Cubans directly and
materially
promote subversion in this continent. They asked about the
general
opinion among revolutionary leaders concerning other heads of
government
in Latin America and the Caribbean. I remember when General Omar
Torrijos'
visit to Cuba was announced that they wanted to find out what the
leaders
of the Revolution thought about him
CIA intelligence interests with regard to Latin America and the
Caribbean
have been extremely diverse during these ten years.
The CIA is doing everything possible to eliminate Cuba's participation
in
the Movement of Non-aligned Countries
For instance, they showed special interest in the Chilean process,
Cuba's
links with Allende, aid to Chilean refugees; and they wanted to know
whether
it was possible to determine or at least assume that Chilean refugees
were
being trained for infiltration into Chile.
They also asked for economic information. For instance, what
contracts,
what agreements, what relationships had been established or were
being
planned for the future. I remember that when the Latin American
Economic
System (SELA) and the Caribbean Multinational Shipping Company
(NAMUCAR)
were set up they were constantly inquiring about the role of Cuba and
other
countries.
During a 1976 work session with a number of CIA officers, I told them
that
my duties as a Cuban government official would probably take me to a
number
of Latin-American and Caribbean countries. They assured me that
was
no problem, that the CIA would help me during the trip, since it had
stations
in some of those countries that could maintain contact with me.
Evidently, Latin America has always been high on the enemy's list of
intelligence
priorities and they hoped to use me in that work. They were also
interested
in our role in Africa, particularly in the internationalist aid that
had
been given to Angola, and in Cuba's participation in the Movement of
Non-Aligned
Countries, and what kinds of secret agreements, if any, Cuba had made
within
that body. Without the slightest respect, these gentlemen
referred
to the "subversive" nature of this organization. They also showed
special
interest in Cuba's relations with the African countries members of the
UAO,
within the framework of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries.
They
wanted information on bilateral and other agreements, and technical or
military
assistance the Cuban government might be offering. As early as
1961
and 1970, the CIA asked its alleged agent for first-hand information
that
they said would be used to formulate a US policy on Africa designed to
frustrate
any revolutionary or even progressive movement.
They were also interested in knowing whether some leaders or popular
sectors
were attracted to the political line followed by the ruling Chinese
clique.
From the continuous interest the CIA showed in this matter from the
very
beginning of the decade it is clear that, even then, they were planning
to
play Peking Off against socialism, the Soviet Union, our country and
even
such African countries as Angola and Ethiopia that have attained their
independence.
They have shown a similar interest in obtaining information about our
internal
affairs: development, domestic policy, social problems,
etc.
They constantly asked for data on economic plans, short and medium term
investments,
agreements, participation in the CMEA and a number of specific economic
questions.
They were particularly interested in information about both sugar an
nickel--anything
that could be obtained on those two items. The area planted,
investments
in the sugar-cane industry and agriculture, total volume of harvests,
destination
of exports, sugar prices subject to specific agreements...I remember
very
well that Mike, the CIA officer I mentioned before, once said that the
US
government had to exert its influence on the sugar market, to make
prices
drop. Realizing the importance of sugar in our economy, they
thought
a price decrease would be another blow to the Cuban Revolution.
According
to Mike this was another form of fighting communism, especially Castro
communism.
There were constantly all kinds of questions about nickel: development
plans,
organizational measures, investments aimed at increasing production and
exports,
markets, concrete projects for the mining area of northern Oriente, in
short...
many different aspects.
There was persistent interest in the organization of the Cuban
Communist
Party, the process and development of the Party Congress, agreements
adopted,
opinions on the feasibility of the agreements being fulfilled and other
questions.
They asked for details on state organization, the process of
institutionalization,
the creation of enterprises, the new system of economic management, the
organization
of People's Power, elections...
From the time I was recruited in London up to end of 1976, the CIA
showed
persistent interest in obtaining military information, especially about
our
missile strength.
When Fidel unveiled your work as an alleged CIA agent, he specifically
mentioned
the task the US intelligence services had given you to place a
micro-transmitter
in Comrade Osmani Cienfuegos' office. Could you explain in detail
how
that mission was accomplished?
It was clearly in the 1974, in Italy during a CAI work session, that I
was
assigned the task of installing a highly sophisticated microtransmitter
in
Comrade Osmani Cienfuegos' office. I was told how important and
significant
that mission was for the US government, the CIA, especially for the CIA
officers
working with me at that time: in short, that this mission was of
special
significance for the organization and direction of US policy toward
Cuba.
___(photograph)
with caption: Mr. Allan G. Morrill Jr.
My instructions were simply to check out Osmani Cienfuegos' office in
order
to decide where I thought this microtransmitter should be placed and
let
them know.
After my return to Cuba, we made a careful study of the building where
these
offices were located and of the surrounding buildings, including a
description
of height and existing equipment in the neighborhood that might
interfere
with the microtransmitter broadcast. We made draft drawings of
the
furniture in Comrade Osmani's office, and provided a description of the
wood
it was made of and the color...: an exact microlocation of the
office,
with each door and window indicated and, of course, also the spot where
I
recommended installing the microtransmitter, and the direction in which
it
should be oriented.
I remember that it was also necessary to draw a smell-scale map of the
area
around Comrade Osmani's office indicating the streets, avenues and
nearest
government buildings. Above all, the CIA asked me to indicate
what
embassies were located near where the microtransmitter would be placed.
After all these drafts and plans had been drawn up in Cuba, according
to
CIA specifics, I handed them over to US Central Intelligence Agency
officials.
Later, at a meeting with some of the CIA officers I had been working
with
for several years, I was introduced to one named Dick who had been
especially
assigned to this mission to build the microtransmitter. It was
Dick
who directed all the training I was given at that time in how to use.
and
later install the microtransmitter in Comrade Osmani's offices.
Dick remained with me and other CIA officers until he thought I was
ready
to undertake the mission. I remember that when we were going over
some
of the details of the operation I told Dick -on purpose- that I could
never
enter Cuba with that equipment and that I also thought it would be
pretty
hard for them to get it to me in Havana. Then Dick said something
so
arrogant I'll never forget it: He said, "Don't worry. In
the
CIA we have a slogan: the difficult we do right away; the
impossible
takes a little longer!" They couldn't imagine how that operation
would
wind up.
He shoed me a rock in which the microtransmitter would be hidden to be
sent
to me in Cuba, and told me they'd let me know by radio exactly where it
would
be left.
___(photograph)
with caption: A CIA officer, Allan G. Morrill, Jr., walking the
streets
of Madrid.
Shortly after my return to Havana following that meeting with the CIA
officers,
I received a message containing a detailed description of the exact
spot
where the rock containing the microtransmitter had been left, along
with
instructions to go to Cacahual, outside Havana, where it had been
placed.
I was to pick it up as soon as possible and set it up in Comrade
Osmani's
office, as planned.
Did you make any late trips abroad that allowed you to make contact
with
the CIA?
In 1976 I had one final meeting with the CIA officers I had been in
contact
with during my ten years of work in the Central Intelligence
Agency.
That was when I was introduced another Army Colonel Frank, a high CIA
official
who, I was told had come from Washington especially for this interview.
Colonel Frank is a Chicano who lost his right eye --as he will proudly
tell
you-- in the US war against the Vietnamese people. He told me
genially
not to call him Colonel Frank, that he preferred to be called
Francisco,
or Pancho since he was Latin too.
When he began to talk, the other officers kept quiet. He stood up
and,
in a very conceited manner, explained that he had come to meet me and
personally
congratulate me. He conveyed the compliments of CIA headquarters
in
Virginia for the work I had done and the risks I had taken through all
these
years and, above all, for the contribution I had made to preserving the
so-called
"free world". He also brought a personal letter from Mr. Henry
Kissinger
congratulating me for my ten years of work on behalf of the United
States.
Kissinger's letter said that, in his opinion, the information that had
been
provided to the United States for its policy against our country, and
even
against other countries, had been very valuable.
After delivering Kissinger's message, Colonel Frank ordered several
bottles
opened and ceremoniously offered toasts to the success that had been
achieved
and the future of our work. In that atmosphere of expectation,
Frank
presented me with a box containing a Rolex watch which he said was a
personal
gift from Henry Kissinger and the CIA leadership for the work I had
done
over so many years.
Was the equipment actually used for broadcasts to the CIA?
I shouldn't reveal details about technical matters that might show our
hand.
I can tell you that shortly after I informed the enemy that the
microtransmitter
was installed, I made a final trip abroad, which was when that meeting
with
the CIA officers and the interview with Colonel Frank took place and I
was
congratulated for my work and presented with a watch from Kissinger.
That makes it perfectly clear that what our Cuban State Security
planned
and carried out was just what was needed to pull the rug out from under
the
US intelligence services.
Did the microtransmitter require some auxiliary equipment in order to
work?
My mission for the CIA consisted in making the studies I mentioned,
selecting
the spot where the microtransmitter was to be installed and, finally,
placing
it there.
Since they never told me, I don't know whether the
microtransmitter
required some kind of auxiliary equipment to activate it.
However, the messages could be picked up by equipment other than the
CIA
apparatus, but they couldn't be understood because they were scrambled
and
required a special device to received it, reconvert it and produce the
actual
message, as I explained earlier.
How was the equipment run?
The equipment was turned on and off by remote control from outside.
What kind of technical equipment did the CIA give you during those ten
years
to carry out your alleged espionage work against Cuba?
At first they gave a machine that was used at that time to record
messages
from the CIA center and decode them later. Once they gave me some
ordinary
loud speakers that are used with record players or recorders, in which
they
had hidden Cuban money that I was to use in my espionage activities in
Cuba.
They provided me with a microscope built by the CIA's technical
services
department to read the microdots the Agency might decide to send.
They
also gave me a high-frequency radio-recorder with four bands on which I
could
receive and record messages simultaneously.
Earlier I explained that I was trained in photography. The CIA
gave
me an Asahi Pentax camera with all attachments and some Ansco color
film,
apparently ordinary film that can be purchased anywhere abroad.
Actually,
only the first part of the roll was regular film, in order to hide what
followed,
which was a special microdot microfilm worked up by the CIA.
During the meetings with CIA officers abroad, they gave me code pads
with
which to decipher the messages they sent.
The first time, in London, they gave me a Grundig high-frequency
radio-receiver
made in the RFA with several bands. I used this equipment at the
beginning
to receive radio messages.
And as I said, they also sent me the sophisticated microtransmitter
equipment
that was placed in Comrade Osmani Cienfuegos' offices.
This apparatus included long-lasting remote control batteries, the
microphone
and the broadcasting mechanism set up to mix signals that is to receive
the
conversation, mix it and send it in such a way that it was difficult or
impossible
for any radio listener who might be turned into that band to understand
the
transmission. They called this method scrambling. When the
message
was received on the CIA monitoring equipment, it reconverted the
conversation
by unscrambling it.
Does the fact that certain equipment, such as the sophisticated
microtransmitter,
has been smuggled into Cuba in special devices and placed in certain
spots
by third persons mean that there are other CIA agents in Cuba?
TO TAKE A STAND AGAINST THE CIA IS TO OPPOSE CRIME, CORRUPTION AND
INJUSTICE.
It's very hard to imagine that a clandestine agent could be used in
this
king of an operation in Cuba. It would have to be either an agent
sent
in specifically for such an operation or a foreign intelligence agent
based
in our country.
HOW MANY CIA OFFICERS DID YOU HAVE CONTACT WITH DURING THE COURSE OF
COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE
WORK?
I worked with some 13 CIA officers, all US citizens, while I was
infiltrated
in the Agency. Sometimes the relationship was quite close,
sometimes
less so --as in the case of Colonel Frank, apparently an important CIA
official
at that time. Other officers would see me directly and
systematically.
Some limited their relationship to training and technical preparation
sessions.
The CIA officer I worked longest with and with whom I established the
closest
relationship was Mike Ackerman, a US citizen of Russian-Jewish
extraction,
ambitious, very reactionary, with Zionist tendencies, and an expert in
security
measures. He was openly anti-Cuban and had very close ties with
counter
revolutionaries in Miami.
Mike Ackerman was a CIA lieutenant colonel when we worked together,
carried
out missions against the Soviet Union, against countries in the Middle
East
and, especially, against Cuba. Now, he has apparently been
dismissed
from the CIA. Toward the end, he was dabbling in US politics and
working
in US colleges and universities, which we all know are regular CIA
recruiting
sources; so we assume from this that he still maintains his ties with
the
Central Intelligence Agency.
I also knew a CIA lieutenant colonel who called himself David, and
substituted
for Mike when the latter, apparently, left the Agency. David was
cunning,
crafty fellow, very revolting, who openly hated the Cuban Revolution
and
our people. He was a specialist in Latin- American affairs and
economic
matters.
My work in the CIA was also linked to Allan G. Morrill, Jr., one of the
heads
of the Agency's center in Spain. This gentleman, known as an
expert
on Cuba, was born on January 2, 1930, and speaks Spanish. We know
he
went to work for the State Department in 1966, was sent to Caracas,
Venezuela,
with an R-5 rating (one of the classifications for US diplomatic
officials)
and, in November of that year, he became a political officer in the
Embassy.
In May, 1971 he was promoted to R-4 rank and returned to the CIA in the
United
States. In December, 1973, he was sent to Spain, where he
remained
till late 1976. It was he who promoted and organized the meetings
I
had there with CIA officers.
During all these years, Allan Morrill has used his State Department
cover
for implementing his action against Cuba. In Spain, Morrill
headed
the anti-Cuba section of the CIA Station.
Francis Sherry III and Joseph Said Cybulski were among Morrill's
underlings.
Sherry, who was born on May 7, 1927, speaks both French and Spanish,
and
earlier worked for the FBI. He was an economic officer in Saigon
between
1953 and 1960 when he became US Vice Council in the city that now bears
the
name of the beloved Ho Chi Minh. He worked in the US consular
office
in Mexico in 1966, in France in 1969, in Spain as attache to the
Political
Section from 1973 to 1976; and from 1966 to 1976 he carried on
intensive
work against Cuba.
We learned that Cybulski was in Madrid in 1961; in Mexico, Argentina
and
Spain between 1962 and 1974; he worked in the Spanish capital between
1975
and 1977, supposedly for the Salisport firm, on Lopez de Hoyos
Street.
Cybulski last address in Madrid was 51, Avenida Generalisimo; his phone
number:
456-1460
These, as we have said, are the most noteworthy.
What guarantee did the CIA offer you in case you were detected by the
Cuban
State Security Department?
The CIA offered me no guarantee and I believe it is unable to do so in
any
case. They trained me in certain self-protection measures, but
beyond
that there was no guarantee whatsoever.
At one point you said Mr. Henry Kissinger sent a letter through Colonel
Frank
indicating that the information you had provided would serve to
formulate
anti Cuban policy...
Not only the supposedly true information I provided, but, in general,
any
information gathered by US intelligence is used by imperialism to work
out
its aggressive line against Cuba and other socialist countries, and
even
against the progressive countries of the Non-Aligned Movement.
However, in the case of the information I provided to the enemy, this
was
done according to a perfectly worked out plan based on the need to
misinform
the CIA and serve our own infiltration work as well. But in every
case,
the information provided served the interests of the Revolution and the
peoples
of Latin America and the world.
Frank even went so far as to tell me that the synopsis of the
information
I sent went straight to Kissinger's desk. This is explained by a
series
of coincidental circumstances in 1975 and 1976: Cuba's
internationalist
help to Angola, the possibility of Fidel's trip to Africa, and so
on.
All were matters of the highest interest to Kissinger, who was, at the
time,
Secretary of State, presidential adviser on national security problems,
chairman
of the Forty Committee and head of the whole intelligence community.
Within the strategy drawn up by Cuban counter-intelligence, what was
the
significance of the last message you sent to the CIA?
Late in 1976, terrorist activity from abroad --led and encouraged by
the
CIA-- had increased against our country. The CORU
counterrevolutionary
group had been formed. There was an attempt to blow up a Cuban
plane
in Jamaica, pirate attacks, bombings against Cubana de Aviacion offices
in
Colombia and Panama, against the Cuban diplomatic mission in
Portugal
and the Cuban consulate in Mexico, the assassination of a comrade from
the
fishing industry, in Merida, and the attempt to kidnap the Cuban
Consul,
the kidnaping of two Cuban comrades in Argentina, who were obviously
assassinated...
In the United States, a traditionally difficult stage was coming to a
close:
the end of one presidential period and the beginning of another.
Thus, when the last message arrived (precisely three days after the
criminal
sabotage of a Cuban civilian plane in Barbados causing the death of 73
persons
--Cubans, Guyanese and Koreans-- there was a clear indication that a
new
plot was being hatched to assassinate the Commander in Chief.
This
was corroborated by the next of the message itself. They thought
Fidel
would visit Angola on November 11, so they asked for data in relation
to
that.
In that context, in the midst of the criminal offensive against Cuba,
what
was behind that request? What was the CIA's interest in finding
out
the exact itinerary of Fidel's alleged trip?
The revelations made by Fidel to the Cuban people and world public
opinion,
were a solid denunciation of the CIA's activities; they ridiculed the
machinery
of US intelligence and enabled the fulfillment of very important
objectives.
How do you feel after having infiltrated the CIA for ten years>
I feel really satisfied to have carried out such a mission for the
Revolution.
But we don't work for glory. None of us is an exceptional hero;
we
just try to defend our homeland. While I felt honored on hearing
our
beloved Commander in Chief himself mention the case publicly. I
do
understand that it is essentially due to the circumstances that made
the
revelation advisable. I think especially of the working people,
those
who day by day carry out production feats, of the workers and peasants,
the
militia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces, the revolutionary vanguard,
all
those that constitute the unconquerable bulwark of the
Revolution.
With or without CIA penetration, they are the ones who have made, are
making
or will make the imperialist enemy bite the dust.. I think of the
combatants
of the Ministry of the Interior, the comrades who have done much more
than
I have been able to do, men who have even fallen in the line of duty
and
whose names, for reasons of security, cannot even be made public yet; I
think
of the comrades who are carrying out their work in the midst of the
enemy
itself, under the most difficult condition, and are selflessly and
devotedly
serving in this anonymous task of defending our people. I always
think
of that and of the modesty, the sense of doing our duty with simplicity
which
is a condition in the training of the men in Security.
This interview will be made public at the 11th World Festival of Youth
and
Students. Do you wish to add anything to the youth of the world
who
will meet in Havana?
___(photograph)
with caption: Equipment and money remitted from the United States
to
its supposed agent. Also seen is a watch given by Henry Kissinger
in
recognition of ten years "valuable work".
Yes, something which is very important. Certain CIA circles have
expressed
the belief --and have already sketched it out as a philosophy-- that it
is
necessary to stress the work of penetrating the youth. This is
because
of the fact that every young person is a potential revolutionary and
should
therefore be detoured from youth's rightful path; and, secondly,
because
today's youth is tomorrow's man, tomorrow's technician, politician,
statesman.
The enemy's work methods have shifted. More subtle methods have
been
introduced: diversionism, espionage, corruption, especially among
youth.
Part of the imperialist enemy's main effort is directed against
youth.
Every young person should be on the alert against this and should build
a
solid moral and revolutionary barrier against which all the efforts of
the
CIA and its western homologue will be smashed.
To be against the CIA is to oppose crime, moral corruption, injustice;
it
is to struggle against the lack of decency and the absence of human
dignity.
INFILTRATED IN MIAMI
The boat cut through the Straits of Florida toward Cuba. On board
were
five members of ALPHA-66, a counterrevolutionary organization, who were
to
fulfill a crucial mission: infiltrating two agents whose task was
to
kill Commander in Chief, Fidel Castro. Hours later, near the
Bahamas,
a mechanical failure frustrated the landing attempt. This mishap,
however,
saved the two terrorists from being captured in Cuba because, instead
of
a reception committee, Coast Guard troops ready for combat were to
greet
them. Many thought that the Hope was carrying seven counter
revolutionaries.
Really, there were only six. The seventh, the head of the
infiltration
operation, was a revolutionary -- Jose Gregorio Fernandez Santos, who
spent
seven years in the counter- revolutionary organization in Miami.
From 1969 to 1976 Fernandez Santos carried out a thorough investigation
of
activities directed against the Cuban Revolution, right in the bosom of
the
insidious exile groups located in Miami, many of which had been trained
by
the CIA and operated with impunity from US territory. During this
period,
Fernandez Santos kept close ties with the main counterrevolutionary
organizations
and became captain in charge of the ALPHA-66 "Navy", until he returned
to
Cuba.
Thanks to the patient work of the Cuban forces, much as accomplished
prior
to Fernandez Santos' departure for Miami, and many of his activities
outside
Cuba were also facilitated. The sensational account of
counterrevolutionary
activities, backed up by documentary and photographic evidence,
established
new information as to how numerous groups and bands of Cuban emigres
become
instruments of the Agency that zealously tries to destabilize the Cuban
Revolution
with its systematic campaign of aggression against our people.
"Ever since I arrived in Miami, after secretly leaving Cuba, my aim was
to
work among the CIA agents who formed part of the operation unit against
our
country and had been working directly in numerous counterrevolutionary
bands,
in some cases using other groups as covers for carrying out clandestine
operations
against Cuba.
"Besides my supposed counterrevolutionary militancy, my navigational
skills
and knowledge of the waters around Cuba helped me to infiltrate.
At
first, the fact that I had a photo studio and a boat, both of which I
was
supposedly contributing to the activities against Cuba, helped.
This
way I was directly recruited by Andres Nazario Sargent, head of
ALPHA-66,
and trained in the Everglades, near Miami, with weapons used by the US
army
and with the implicit consent of the Florida authorities, who knew the
nature
and objective of our activities.
"Soon after, I learned through CIA agent Juan B. Marquez Hernandez,
that
many supposed fishing boats that sailed the Miami river were really
going
to spy on Cuban fishing vessels in the waters near the Bahamas."
"Marquez, who headed a group made up of Juan Manuel Perdomo, alias El
Flaco
(Skinny); Nelson Lopez, alias El Nino (Kid); Jesus Torres Gomez and
Reybaldo
Gonzalez Martin, told me of his participation in an operation in
Baracoa
during which the Team, headed by counterrevolutionary Vicente Mendez,
managed
to infiltrate. In April, 1970, that team was captured while
landing
in Cuba.
"Marquez himself told me how 11 Cuban fishermen were kidnaped in May,
1970,
and were then abandoned on a key south of Andros island. This
operation
smacked of being a CIA operation, since it was attributed to ALPHA-66,
although
that organization hadn't really hatched it. Furthermore, the fact
that
the second-in-charge of this operation, Ramon Orozco Crespo, was a
known
agent and not a member of any of the counterrevolutionary
organizations,
serves to bolster this theory.
"I found out that Francisco Guzman Pastrana, another individual with
well-known
links who belonged to the so-called Torriente Plan, was receiving
direct
instructions from Angel Moises Hernandez Rojo, the chief agent,
entrusted
by the CIA to coordinate the individuals that the Agency kept active in
the
Miami area. Hernandez Rojo had been recruited in 1959 in the US
where
he was sent to study by tyrant Batista's Navy. He held a top post
in
the YMCA, a social and athletic organization, that he used to cover up
his
directorship of operations in which his principal men in Miami took
part.
He was in charge of supervising the delivery of combat equipment to the
Torriente
Plan for its attack against Cuba, and he participated in the
preparation
of the Boca Sama attack, staged on October 12, 1971.
"In order to carry out this cowardly aggression that killed two and
wounded
four --among them two young girls, Angela and Nancy Pavon-- Hernandez
Rojo
supplied the military task force of the Torriente Plan with US
Army
weapons and two boats equipped with artillery and radar that were tied
up
at a dock used by the CIA, at SW 12th Street, Miami, Florida.
They
also had use a port in Haiti and a boat belonging to the
counterrevolutionary
Babun brothers which was used as the mother ship. there is
another
interesting story surrounding these boats. An individual known as
Papo,
who owned a repair shop on 34th Street and 7th Avenue SW and whose
mechanical
skills were often used, told me that he had helped to finish equipping
these
boats, and that they had been tested in combat in a fishing village in
some
African country. This provide further proof that these especially
built
boats, came from the CIA.
"About the Torriente Plan, which boasted a highly touted unity among
Cuban
emigres of all sorts in Florida, I learned, through Guzman Pastrana
himself,
that Jose E. de la Torriente was a fictitious character invented and
backed
by the CIA in order to divert the Cuban people's attention from the
efforts
they had been investing in the 1970 sugar harvest."
"By widening my contacts I met Juan Gonzalez, head of the so-called
National
Liberation Front of Cuba (FLNC), a band that carried on a lot of
terrorist
activity against interests, its offices abroad and against Cuban
interests,
its offices abroad, and against Cuban fishing vessels in international
waters.
Among the most notorious terrorist operations of the FLNC was the
burning
of a fishing boat and the murder of one of its crew, Robert Tornes, by
the
above- mentioned and well-known Ramon Orozco Crespo, who acted as the
second-in-command
of the operation. The counterrevolutionary Gonzalez reported that
Crespo
fired the automatic rifle on the defenseless Tornes when the latter
affirmed
that he was a Communist.
___(Photograph)
with caption: Jose Gregorio Fernandez Santos who, during seven
years
tunning, knew the inside of the count-revolutionary groups of Cuban
origin
based in Miami and their dependence on the CIA. He is seen here
together
with Nazario Sargent.
___(Photograph)
with caption: The counter-revolutionary Luis Lovaina was one of
the
many who took part in the lucrative business of hiring wigs to later
take
this photo outside Miami. Later, he showed it as proof of his
"heroic
Stay" in Cuba as a fighter for the freedom of Cuba.
"Juan Gonzalez maintained close ties with members of the Fascist
Chilean
Junta and especially with Julio Solorzano Gicelure, an official of the
DINA
(the Chilean Intelligence Agency). Solorzano request the support
of
counterrevolutionary groups for the Chilean Junta in exchange for
supplying
them with materials for terrorist activities against Cuba. While
in
Miami, Solorzano lived in Gonzalez own home. I myself
participated
in two meetings with this individual, representing the Alpha-6
organization,
of which I was one of the leaders. I also had two personal
conversations
with Solorzano, and came to know that his father, whose name was the
same,
was colonel and a top official of the DINA.
"It is publicly known that the FLNC is one of the terrorist bands that
later
formed the so-called United Revolutionary Organizations Command (CORU),
head
by the notorious terrorist Orlando Bosch Avila, who is now in jail in
Venezuela
for his participation in the plot that blew up the Cubana passenger
plane
in Barbados.
"In mid-- 1974 the counter revolutionaries Luis Lobaina, Aristides
Marquez
(a resident of 30 NE and 1st Avenue), and Jose Amparo Ortega joined
Alpha-66.
The latter was known to have ties with the CIA and had infiltrated in
the
area of Baracoa in an unsuccessful attempt to spark peasant
uprisings.
He used the Naval Base at Guantanamo as his escape route from the
country.
These two, unconnected with Alpha-66, arranged with its head, Andres
Nazario
Sargent, to use the organization's name the support of some of its
members
to infiltrate Lobaina and Marquez through northern Oriente, in another
attempt
to assassinate our Commander in Chief, Fidel Castro.
___(Photograph)
with caption: Jose Gregorio Fernandez Santos and the counter
revolutionaries
Hugo Gascon and Ramon Cala during training in Florida.
"Ortega had the use of M-16 rifles, a 28 foot speedboat called Hope
(fol.
FL. 9104FS) maps of the area, and information on maritime movements in
former
Oriente province for the operations. Since at that time I was
head
of what they called Alpha-66 "Navy," the chiefs of the organization
entrusted
me to direct the infiltration operation as captain of the boat.
"An engine failure caused the boat to hit land at Great Inagua, in the
Bahamas,
where the authorities searched the boat and confiscated the
weapons.
Of course, once in jail, Lobaina and Marquez bemoaned their bad luck at
having
been captured and thus prevented from fulfilling their infiltration
objective.
I though they had been very lucky because they would have been greeted
by
our Coast Guard in Cuba.
"Back in Miami, where we were secretly taken, we were met at the
airport
by John F. Butcher, an FBI officer who, far from harassing or
arresting
us for our activities, told us that we would not be brought to trial
and
gave us new "parolee" cards (a document that is given to Cubans who
lack
identification papers), just as if we had arrived for the first time is
US
territory.
"These events took place in October, 1974, and in the following months
Nazario
Sargent pushed the idea of using a secret farm in Mexico to give
military
training to some of the members of the organization. His
insistence
was in part due to my negative reaction to the proposal, since it was
my
objective to remain infiltrated in the Alpha nucleus located in Miami,
and
especially to keep an eye on Nazario Sargent.
"In April of the following year, when the arrest at Great Inagua had
been
practically forgotten, a strange and unusual piece of news reached us
about
the capture of six Cuban emigre's who were trying to penetrate Cuban
territory.
Immediately, the FBI came to me house in order to take me to
court
to be charged with the rest of those involved. Nazario took
advantage
of this strange occurrence to insist that I be taken to Mexico to avoid
being
sent to jail. He then gave me the necessary contacts to make in
Mexico.
"I lived in Mexico for some time, keeping in touch with various heads
of
counterrevolutionary groups located in Miami. Nazario Sargent
told
me to seek the support of Patricio Sanchez, the Alpha- 66
representative
in Mexico. I also had long-distance conversations with Julio
Solarzano
and his father in Chile. They offered me their house to live in
and
told me to go to El Salvador and see the Chilean consul there who would
have
precise instructions on how to get me to Chile. Even Though I
went
to El Salvador and made the appropriate arrangements at the Chilean
consulate,
I never went to Santiago de Chile because I had to investigate some
signs
indicating that another attempt on the Commander in Chief's life was in
the
works.
"It had become known that some counter revolutionaries in Miami, headed
by
Antonio Calatayud Rivera, had asked Manuel Camargo, a
counterrevolutionary
and ex-mercenary member of Brigade 2506 who lived in Mexico, to make a
thorough
study of the airport and other places of interest in Mexico such as
Independence
Square on the grounds that Commander in Chief Fidel Castro was supposed
to
visit that country.
"Consequently, weapons were transferred to Mexico City. Once I
was
able to determine the real possibilities and objectives of this plan I
was
told to return to Cuba.
"I have no doubt in my mind that counterrevolutionary leaders received
both
the direct and indirect support of the CIA in the unsuccessful attempts
to
assassinate our Commander in Chief. Already I had learned from
Nazario
himself about the attempt made in Chile, when Fidel visited that
country
at the invitation of the constitutionally elected government of
Salvador
Allende. That attempt was made directly by Jesus Dominguez
Benitez
and Marcos Rodriguez, under the leadership of Antonio Veciana, a man
recruited
by the CIA and whom the US press the assassination of President Kennedy.
"Today in our country, I have satisfaction of feeling that all the
attempts
to destroy the Cuban Revolution, carried out by these anti-patriotic
counter
revolutionaries with CIA support power of a steadfast and brave people
that
unconditionally supports its Revolution."
CIA: CRIMES AND ASSAULTS
The veil that covers many of the unscrupulous operations orchestrated
by
the CIA is lifting. Thus we know that plans or actual attempts to
assassinate
political leaders, as in the case of the leaders of the Cuban
Revolution
and other heads of State, represent one of the CIA's courses of action.
Men such as Patrice Lumumba, Ben Barka, Rene Schneider and Orlando
Letelier,
among others were struck down by the workings of this shady
organization.
The US Senate Select Committee, headed by Senator Frank Church,
appointed
to investigate intelligence activities publicly recognized the
innumerable
plans to assassinate political leaders of various countries. But,
during
the course of the investigators, the CIA hid many of its activities and
withheld
information from the Senate Committee, offering incomplete and
falsified
information, deliberately lying in order to confuse the American public
and
world opinion.
Nevertheless, in its conclusions, the Senate Committee declared
that:"...it
has received evidence that high government officials discussed and
perhaps
authorized the establishment within the CIA of an assassination task
force."
And the report continued, "...the cases of Castro and Lumumba are
examples
of the plot conceived by US officials to assassinate leaders of other
countries."
(Vol.I, B-8; B-13, Spanish edition).
___(Photograph)
with caption: The place from which CIA agents planed to shoot
Commander
Fidel Castro.
___(Photograph)
with caption: Arms which to be used to assault on leaders of the
Cuban
Revolution while Fidel was speaking from the north wing of the former
Presidential
Palace.
Lumumba must die
The murder of Patrice Lumumba, leader of the Congolese people,
instigated
and inspired by the CIA, remains inscribed in the annals of history as
a
flagrant violation of human rights. The CIA, with supreme
cynicism,
confessed in the Senate Committee report its attempts to eliminate the
Congolese
leader but denies having participated in the actual events that took
his
life. However, the facts indicate otherwise.
The same Senate report admits that Lumumba "...was considered a
threat
to US interests in the new African nations."
Bronson Tweedy, Chief of the Africa Division told the Senate Committee
that
he had spoken with Richard Bissell, CIA deputy director in charge of
planning
secret operations, and that Bissell told him that, Lumumba's
"...assassination
was included among the possible means of elimination."
Lumumba, deposed in a coup led by Joseph Kasavubu, sought protection
from
the UN forces in the Congo. With this new development the CIA
rechanneled
its assassination plans. this gave rise to plan proposed by
Michael
Mulroney, as the Senate Committee was told, a plan to make Lumumba
leave
the area where he was protected by UN troops. So he could be
kidnaped
and handed over to Mobotu Sese Seko.
On November 27, 1960, Lumumba left the UN guard and on December 1, he
was
arrested by Mobutu's troops. Two months later he was
murdered.
The imprisonment and murder of Lumumba coincides exactly with the final
CIA
plan for eliminating him. Besides the CIA's shameless behavior in
this
murder is a blatant example of intervention in the internal affairs of
other
countries.
Eloquent example
After Allende's election in September 1970, sectors of the CIA in
coordination
with the US transnational monopoly ITT thought that Allende could still
be
prevented from taking office. But one of the main obstacles in
this
was the Commander in Chief of the Army, Rene Schneider, who refused to
permit
any intervention in the democratic and constitutional process.
The Senate Committee investigating CIA activities states in its
conclusions:
"All the coup plots that were developed within the Chilean armed forces
proposed
the elimination of General Schneider one way or another...US officials
continued
to encourage these plans once it was known that the first step would be
to
kidnap General Schneider.
After two aborted attempts to kidnap this General, the CIA gave Chilean
officials
three sub-machine guns and ammunition in order to carry out the
operation.
Up to here the Senate Committee confirms having found sufficient
evidence
that the CIA directed, organized, and founded with ten million dollars
the
plan to prevent the Popular Unity government from taking office, in
order
to then carry out a military coup. Nevertheless, it could not
prove
that the weapons given to CIA- directed groups two days before the
third
and last kidnap attempt were the ones actually used to kill
Schneider.
The CIA has tried to claim that the operation was carried out by a
group
that had nothing to do with them
Who is the CIA Kidding?
The above-mentioned Senate report states that in August of 1975
Commander
Fidel Castro gave Senator McGovern a list of 24 aborted attempts to
assassinate
him. He stated that the CIA was involved in these. The
Committee
sent that list to the CIA and asked for a response to the charges.
The 14-paged CIA response concluded: "...In summary, the review
of
the archives shows that, of the incidents described in Castro's report,
the
CIA had no participation in 15, never had contact with the persons
mentioned,
and had no contact with them when the stated incidents occurred."
"As for the other nine cases, the CIA had operative relations with some
of
the persons mentioned but not for the purpose of assassination...in the
cases
reviewed we found nothing that sustains the accusations that the CIA
ordered
its agents to assassinate Fidel Castro..."
The report adds: "...The Committee has found no proof whatsoever
that
the CIA was involved in the attempts on his life that Castro listed and
gave
to Senator McGovern."
The CIA blatantly lied to the Senate: in all the cases included
in
that report Cuban Security has irrefutable proof that, indeed, the CIA
participated
directly and indirectly in them.
Could one possible think that an organization like the CIA, built on
lies,
specializing in bribery and crime, would tell the truth?
Impossible.
To their discredit we will briefly expose some of the plots against the
leader
of the Cuban Revolution, some of which were told to McGovern, where the
direct
participation of the CIA has been proved.
A criminal plot
In mid October 1961, via CIA agent Antonio Veciana Blanck (Tony) -- who
as
leader of a counterrevolutionary organization was able to hide his
espionage
activities-- a very careful operation was prepared to kill Commander
Fidel
Castro and other revolutionary leaders. The plotters built a fake
roof
in a building located at 29 Misiones Street, 8th floor, apartment 8-A,
in
front of the old Presidential Palace, where they hid weapons given to
them
by the CIA to carry out the assassination attempt.
From this apartment they intended to fire a bazooka at the rostrum that
would
be installed on the north terrace of the old palace for an event that
Fidel
Castro and other revolutionary leaders were to attend.
Simultaneously, several grenades would be hurled on the public gathered
there,
in order to create panic and facilitate the plotters' escape after the
savage
massacre.
Another attempt
On September 18, 1963, Cuban Security discovered another plot to kill
Commander
Fidel Castro and other revolutionary leaders during the commemorative
act
on the 3rd Anniversary of the CDR'S.
On this occasion, the CIA's agent was Pierre Owen Diez de Ure, a French
citizen
recruited to carry out this assassination attempt and other espionage
activities.
The plan of action was to place 60 pounds of C-4 plastic explosives in
the
sewer pipes underneath the spot where the platform was to be set up
from
which Fidel would address the public on this important occasion.
Cuba's Department of State Security was able to discover this plot in
time
and arrest the perpetrators.
Both these plots to kill Castro formed part of a general CIA plan to
eliminate
several leaders of the Revolution at the same time.
___(photograph)
with caption: Weapons of the CIA agents infiltrated in Monte
Barreto
with the objective to attempt to kill the leaders of the Revolution.
___(Photograph)
with caption: More arms planned to be used by CIA agents
infiltrated
in Monte Barreto.
Proof of this was the message transmitted to the station in Havana on
July
21, 1960: "Possible elimination of three principal leaders under
serious
consideration by head quarters." The weapons and plastic
explosives
that were to be used in these respective attempts, and also the
confessions
of the principal accused, are undeniable proof of the CIA's
machinations.
An agent and a gun
In the fall of 1963, Abel Hayder, CIA agent and national coordinator of
the
MRR, received an order from the Agency to go to the US for special
training
in subversion.
He arrived in the US clandestinely, and after a two-day stay at the CIA
base
in Opa Locka, was sent to a house in Miami suburb where various experts
gave
him a special 45 days course in techniques of demolition, sabotage and
cyanide
poisoning.
After the training they began preparations to return Hayder to
Cuba.
He was supplied with C-4 plastic explosives with detonators, automatic
weapons
and a jar of 100 potassium cyanide tablets. The CIA also
entrusted
him with the delivery of a Magnum Special with a telescopic viewer to
give
to an expert who would use it to murder Commander Fidel Castro.
The infiltration in Cuba, scheduled for mid-December 1963, was
successful.
Thus the promise to send the weapon to be used in this assassination
before
January 2, 1964, --date set for the attempt on Castro's life-- was kept.
Abel Hayder landed at a beach near Havana and there he buried the
weapons
he was carrying. Afterwards he walked to the road, got on a bus
and
went straight to the house of his principal contact in the capital
city:
the official of the Cuban Department of State Security who had aided
him
since he began to infiltrate counterrevolutionary groups. Abel
informed
him of the details of his landing and went straight to the point:
the
agent who had been specially trained to murder Commander Fidel Castro
had
to be caught.
This too the CIA hid from the Senate. But, can it deny that Abel
Hayder
was one of its supposed agents, trained in one of its terrorist
technique
schools in Miami? Can it also deny that it gave him a powerful
rifle
to be used to kill the leader of the Cuban Revolution? It should
be
pointed out that this case was not included in the list of abortive
assassination
attempts on our leaders that was given to senator McGovern.
Deadly milk shakes
The agency devised a macabre plan to poison Fidel Castro. In
order
to put it into effect it used one of the networks that had already been
organized
in Cuba, directed by Ramon and Leopoldina Grau Alsina, Polita.
The
CIA supplied a jar of poisonous capsules, and the Graus chose Santos de
la
Caridad Perez, an employee of the Havana Libre Hotel, to do the
poisoning.
Perez was in possession of one of the capsules when he was arrested.
Of all the CIA plans to kill Prime Minister Fidel Castro, this is the
only
one that the Agency admitted before the Senate, had gone beyond the
preparation
phase. (See Volume I, Insert F, Report of the Senate Select
Committee
to investigate intelligence activities). Obviously its
participation
goes much further, again showing the CIA's dishonesty with the
Committee.
It was also discovered that these pills were brought into Cuba by
diplomatic
pouch from a capitalist country. Cuba has clear proof of this.
Action in Monte Barreto
On May 28, 1966, two counterrevolutionary CIA agents from the US landed
illegally
at Monte Barreto in the Miramar district.
Revolutionary forces surprised them and a battle ensued in which
artillery
pieces began to fire on the enemy transport that had brought
them.
Consequently, Antonio Cuesta Valle, chief of the infiltration group and
Eugenio
Enrique Saldivar, both residents of Miami, were arrested and seriously
wounded.
Agents Armando Romero Martinez and Sandalio Herminio Diaz Garcia were
killed
while attempting to invade our territory. They were involved in
smuggling
in weapons to assassinate Commander Fidel Castro.
Herminio Diaz was a known gangster linked to Mafia types such as Santos
Trafficante,
with whom he had shared the same table at the Riviera Hotel in Havana
in
1959.
The CIA admitted to the Senate Committee that it had used Santos
Trafficante
and other underworld figures in the assassination attempts on
Castro.
However, the Agency has made numerous attempts to demonstrate that
those
plans in which the Mafia and Trafficante were involved, never went
beyond
the planning stage.
False! Herminio Diaz, a Mafia type hired by Trafficante and
recruited
by him to work in the CIA, carried this plan to the stage of execution
when
he landed in Cuban territory with powerful arms to try to kill Fidel
Castro.
Other information shows that Antonio Veciana, an agent who was involved
in
several different attempts to assassinate the leader of the Cuban
Revolution,
also participated in the preparations to infiltrate through Monte
Barreto.
Without guts to act
During Commander Fidel Castro's visit to Chile in 1971, the CIA
elaborated
a plan to assassinate him using Cuban born counter revolutionaries
Jesus
Dominguez Benitez (El Isleno), and Marcos Rodriguez, acting as
"cameramen"
for Venezuelan TV Channel 4.
Both these men, briefed and directed by Antonio Veciana, who carried
out
explicit orders, received a year's training in the use of rifles with
telescopic
viewers at the camp in Florida. They were also given a press
course
and training to make them professional TV cameramen.
Then they were put to work with Channel 4 of the Venezuelan TV via the
well-known
terrorist and CIA agent Luis Posada Carriles (who later participated in
the
preparation of the criminal sabotage of the Cubana plane in
Barbados).
As journalists, they obtained permission to cover the leader of the
Cuban
Revolution's travels in Chile. For this purpose, Antonio Veciana
provided
them with a special TV camera that had an automatic pistol embedded in
it.
These individuals were to use the pretext of filming scenes of Castro's
trip
to kill him with the weapon they had so cleverly concealed. But
they
lacked the guts to follow through since, as they later explained, there
was
no sure way of "saving their own necks" once the deed was done.
The CIA tried very carefully to make these acts seem to be the work of
Antonio
Veciana, so that the "work" would become the responsibility of Cuban
exiles,
the traditional plot used by the CIA to cover up its aggressions
against
Cuba.
Obvious conclusions
The details exposed here are but a few of the many that the Cuban
Security
bodies possess. Nonetheless, they show concealment and
falsification
of information given to Senator Frank Church's Senate Committee
regarding
the participation of the CIA in attempts to kill Commander Fidel
Castro.
The CIA told the Senate of its participation in assassination plans
between
1960-1965. Nothing is mentioned thereafter, to make it seem that
from
then on, it stopped preparing "dirty tricks." However, Cuban
Security
has proof that, indeed, the CIA has continued its unscrupulous criminal
activity
to this date.
No other political leader has had to face, so many and such varied
attempts
on his life as Commander Fidel Castro. Of course, due to the
revolutionary
vigilance of the people and the timely actions of Cuban State Security,
none
has come to fruition.
The CIA, however, is just one tool of US foreign policy. The
people
of the United States and the youth of the world demand that the US
Government
take the necessary measures to prevent this Agency from continuing its
relentless
terror and from using assassination as an instrument of US foreign
policy.
Another page of CIA criminal activities against Cuba
Banditry
It was with indignation that the people learned of the new crime
committed
by the counterrevolutionary bands organized by the US Central
Intelligence
Agency. On January 5, 1961 Conrado Benitez, a young voluntary
teacher
was assassinated. He had been teaching peasants in the Escambray
Mountains
in the central part of the country to read and write.
Bandits ruthlessly took the life of this young man, whose only weapons
were
his books. This horrible crime was intended to frighten the first
literacy
campaign teachers who brought knowledge to confront the legacy of the
past.
This crime was also a manifestation of the bitter class struggle taking
place
in Cuba with the profound revolutionary process that was standing up to
injustice,
privileges, ignorance and exploitation. As Fidel Castro leader of
the
Cuban Revolution, has pointed out: "Conrado Benitez was killed
because
he was poor, because he was young, because he was black, because he was
a
teacher."
However, that was neither the first nor the last murder recorded in the
history
of counterrevolutionary banditry.
The crimes perpetrated by counterrevolutionary bands, organized,
financed,
equipped and encouraged by the US Central Intelligence Agency, as part
of
the plan to crush the Cuban Revolution, include a long list of
assassinations,
sabotage, attacks upon defenseless towns, buses trains and other forms
of
public transportation, arson in schools, rural stores and other
centers,
etc., etc.
First, it should be understood that banditry, one of the methods used
by
US imperialism against the Cuban revolutionary process, was part of the
US
government's plan to create favorable conditions for the overthrow of
the
revolutionary government through sabotage inside the country and armed
invasion
from abroad. The CIA was to implement these plans.
The first incidence of banditry took place in 1959, when the
counterrevolutionary
organization "La Rosa Blanca (The White Rose), made up of fugitives
from
revolutionary justice, former members of the tyranny's armed forces,
traditional
petty politicians and landowners linked with Dominican dictator,
Trujillo,
along with the CIA, tried to launch an invasion from Santo
Domingo.
The invasion flopped. This failure at first upset the
organization
but some of its members managed to reunite and get to penetrate the
Escambray
mountains.
From then on new counterrevolutionary bands sprang up fostered by
organizations
led, subsidized and armed by the CIA. At the same time, the Cuban
revolutionary
process was becoming more radical and the interests of the big
exploiters,
particularly those of the large landowners were severely threatened.
During the second half of 1960, there were uprisings in various parts
of
the Escambray. At that time, the ringleader Benito Campos, known
as
Campito, began to operate in the northeastern part of Las Villas
province,
in the municipalities of Sagua la Grande and Corralillo. He was
inspired
by the Movimiento de Recuperacion Revolucionaria, organization closely
linked
to the Agency from its founding in 1959. Among its tasks was the
creation
of counterrevolutionary bands, and the Escambray became the target of
this
CIA mission.
The counterrevolutionary bands received their supplies from abroad and
were
organized inside the country through underground networks. At
first,
small contingents of the Rebel Army pursued the bandits. Later on
a
larger number of soldiers and militia were mobilized.
Imperialism placed particular emphasis on organizing and enlarging the
bands
in the Escambray mountains, as part of a plan to divide the Island in
two.
Therefore, banditry in Las Villas became the focus of enemy activity.
However strange it may seem, the leadership of the Escambray Mountain
bandits
fell to Jose Ramon Ruiz Sanchez, or Major Augusto, a resident of
Siboney,
a suburban sector of Havana. He broadcast orders to the bandits
from
his home. Through this agent, the CIA was able to make a large
scale
drop of weapons in the Escambray.
___(photograph)
with caption: One hundred thousand workers of the peoples _____
were
mobilized in the regions of centra Cuba to squash the bandits financed
and
armed by the CIA of the United States.
The Escambray bandits were much more aggressive than those in the rest
of
the country. Undoubtedly, they had the topography of the area in
their
favor. For example, in Pinar del Rio, they were wiped out fairly
quickly
and, although they committed crimes, they were not as active as the
bands
in Las Villas. In Havana and in Matanzas, there were also some
groups
that managed to commit a number of murders, but they were rapidly cut
down
there and in Oriente as well.
On November 29, 1960, the revolutionary leadership decided to set in
motion
what was popularly known as La Limpia (The clean up) of the
Escambray).
More than 60,000 militia: workers, students and peasants,
organized
into combat battalions, joined the contingents of the Rebel Army
operating
against the bandits, and began a strong offensive aimed at wiping out
banditry.
The Escambray was turned into a huge operations ground and the bandit
groups
had no peace. The militia, led by officers of the Rebel Army,
kept
the bandits in check. Some were compelled to surrender, others
escaped
abroad or scattered to different areas. Workers, peasants, and
students
firmly confronted those who attempted to hinder the Revolution.
The
militia was able to return home by the end of March 1961.
This was the prevailing situation at the time of the invasion at Playa
Giron,
an area near the Escambray. Immediately, bandit activity flared
up.
With the hope for a successful invasion by the mercenary army
frustrated,
imperialism once again gave top importance to banditry and reorganized
the
small group of refugees left in the Escambray. Osvaldo Ramirez
then
became the ringleader supported by the CIA.
The bandits planned to increase the number of groups but reduce the
number
of members in each one so as to give them more mobility. New
bands
sprang up, increasing villainy and terrorism.
The many crimes perpetrated against the population and the cruelty that
characterized
the bands culminated in the assassination of Manuel Ascunce Domenech, a
young
member of the Literacy Brigade and his pupil, Pedro Lantigua, a
peasant.
As a result, the Revolutionary Government passed Law no. 988 which
instituted
the death penalty for band chieftains and assassins and the
confiscation
of collaborationists' property. This law was the legal basis for
revolutionary
action against the bandits.
___(photograph)
with Caption: The worker-militia captures a counter-revolutionary
in
the services of the CIA.
___(photograph)
with caption: Yet another bandit surrenders to the Revolutionary
Army
Forces.
Later, Lucha Contra Bandidos (LCB), the anti-bandit section of the Army
was
created. This military body grew out of actual combat, and as it
fought
it became more organized and experienced. The creation of the LCB
made
it possible to reduce military personnel. Those who remained were
mainly
peasants from that area who were familiar with the terrain and
accustomed
to mountain climbing. The local LCB troops were the most
successful
weapons for annihilating banditry.
The Second Agrarian Reform Law, enacted on October 3, 1963, dealt a
severe
blow to the bandits. It eradicated the rural bourgeoisie which
was
an important economic mainstay of banditry.
Throughout those years, major operations and heroic, anonymous State
Security
actions against banditry were carried out. This was the case of
The
man from Maisinicu (Alberto Delgado), a Cuban State Security officer
who
infiltrated into the counterrevolutionary bands and dealt severe blows
to
the criminals. On December 29, 1963 the State Security bodies
began
an operation to cut off the important underground supply line to the
bandits
known as Rat Line, led by the CIA. This was the final blow to the
bandits
who still remained in the Escambray.
The continuous combined operations of State Security and the LCB, plus
the
complete support of the people for the Revolution, and the internal
contradictions
produced by the bandits' lack of ideals, the ambition of their
ringleaders
and the criminal nature of their activity, all contributed to
eliminating
banditry.
Towards the end of 1965, Luis Vargas and Jose Rebozo were the only
bandits
remaining in the Escambray. Luis Vargas was arrested on December
1,
and Jose Rebozo on October 1, 1966..
Thus ended another chapter in imperialism's criminal action against
Cuba,
perpetrated by the CIA.
The struggle against the bands that imperialism tried to establish in
the
mountains areas of the Island was won at the cost of effort and lives
of
our people. Dozens of peasants, women, teachers and soldiers were
assassinated
by the bandits; over 240 fighters lost their lives in combat or on
duty.
The country had to divert huge quantities of all kinds of resources to
foil
the CIA's plan of setting up centers of banditry to promote terror in
rural
areas. But the end result --the smashing victory of the people
over
the forces of reaction-- was inevitable.
This reality did not, however, make the CIA abandon its policy of
promoting
banditry. Years later, through the infiltration of agents from
abroad,
the enemy attempted to revive banditry. But in every single case
it
was annihilated before it could accomplish its subversive and criminal
mission.
The blow to the "Rat Line"
Almost fifteen years have passed since the important underground CIA
network
known as Rat Line, used to supply and inform counterrevolutionary bands
operating
in the northern region of the Escambray, was completely liquidated by
the
Cuban State Security.
For the first time Alberto Miranda Toledo, a Cuban Security agent who
was
able to infiltrate this network and even became its second- in-command,
spoke
publicly of this rude blow to banditry and to the US Central
Intelligence
Agency.
"The CIA wanted to make the northern part of the Escambray a stronghold
for
bandit activity for it was the ideal place for agents to infiltrate
from
abroad. There were several bands already operating in that
territory,
among them the one headed by Campito.
"I had penetrated some of the counterrevolutionary organizations in Las
Villas
as early as 1959 and had created an image as an active
counterrevolutionary
element. In 1962, when Cuban Security headquarters, was informed
of
the existence of an important supply and information network for
counterrevolutionary
bands, I was assigned the mission of penetrating this network.
"I was known that the network was directed by Leonardo Prieto, but his
whereabouts
was not known. After establishing links with individuals in Santa
Clara
who were disenchanted with the Revolution, I made contact with Mr.
Mariano
Pinto, who had been administrator of a tax office and a political boss
during
the Batista dictatorship.
"I won his confidence to carry out counterrevolutionary activity.
He
turned out to be the CIA's main agent in the Rat Line network.
Later,
he even suggested to the CIA that I become deputy director CIA that
network;
he sent my biography to the CIA Operation Unit in Miami. Mariano
Pinto
and Leonardo Prieto, wanted by Cuban Security, were one and the same.
"Pinto, who communicated with the CIA through a Western embassy
official
in Cuba, also checked on other CIA agents, their operations, etc.
The
network he directed was made up of some two hundred men, mainly in Las
Villas,
and also in Havana that kept in touch with counterrevolutionary
organizations
and CIA agents in the capital city. The Rat Line supplied bands
in
the northern part of the Escambray with money, weapons, ammunition and
communications
equipment. It also gave the CIA economic, social and military
information
on the country. The CIA got the weapons to the bands by dropping
them
from planes at a place, date and time previously agreed upon through
the
Rat Line. They supplied the money as follows: they turned
US
dollars over to a given person abroad, and this person would guarantee
that
someone else would give the network the equivalent amount in national
currency.
"By that time, this was the only network left to supply bands, for the
CIA
had received many blows from Cuban Security. So the Rate Line
grouped
all the various elements that opposed the Revolution and, at the same
time,
received special support from the CIA.
"The members of the Rat Line were basically from the middle level and
petite
bourgeoisie, people linked to the Batista tyranny, ex- politicians, etc.
"The CIA's orders to the bands, who were strongly harassed by the
Revolutionary
National Militias and the Revolutionary Armed Forces, were to regroup
and
stay in the Escambray at all costs. They wanted to keep the
northern
region in order to control the Escambray, divide the Island in two and,
as
soon as conditions permitted, organize a provisional governments, as
though
it were an internal movement, and to have this provisional government
request
the aid and intervention of the United States.
"On December 29, 1963, Pinto and the other members of the CIA Rat Line
network
were captured and a decisive blow was deal to the bandits and to the
United
States Central Intelligence Agency's plans."
___(photograph)
with caption: Alberto Miranda
John Stockwell and Holden Roberto met again in early November, 1975, in
an
improvised lookout a few meters off the highway that links Caxito with
Quifandongo.
The moment for striking the final blow was approaching, for attacking
Luanda
before the 11th, to install a puppet government on the piles of corpses
and
then chop up the country: one third would be taken over by Zaire
to
satisfy Mobutu's expansionist ambitions; the biggest stretch would
belong
completely to the corporations interested in the iron, cooper,
diamonds,
kaolin, feldspar, marble, black granite urunium and, of course, the oil
as
well.
The two men posed for photos 32 kms. from Luanda. At the
moment,
Holden Roberto, CIA agent recruited in 1961 at $10,000 a year, awaited
victory
with confidence, reassured by the plans dreamed up in Washington that
included
an air lift for supplying abundant weapons from US bases, logistics
support
from NATO and the recruitment of mercenaries, as in the period of the
Crusades,
to carry out
The CIAs' sinister program in Angola
Once again it was the Central Intelligence Agency, playing its role as
the
operational arm of the United States Government's policy of acting as
international
gendarme. The CIA, with its worn-out schemes and formulas used on
so
many other occasions, well known in Guatemala, in 1954; in Playa Giron,
in
1961; in Vietnam and Laos, for nearly two decades; in the Dominican
Republic,
in 1965; in Chile in 1973.
According to an apparently unbreakable golden rule, operations begin by
placing
on target any movement, government or individual that might potentially
become
a counter force to the system of imperialist exploitation, domination
or
interference and against those forces or currents of national dignity,
progress
and revolutionary change, it unleashes an arsenal of conspiracies that
often
evolve into coups d'etat, assassination attempts, fratricidal wars,
secession
and genocide, in order to confront, diminish and discredit
"international
communism, according to the directive of the US National Security
Council
of 1947.
The cover-up of the operations is a must in the ABC's of the Agency, as
is
evident from such abominable expedients as the use of subsidiary
regimes,
troops of local puppets and alleged "liberation movements". Thus,
the
United States contributes with arms and dollars, and the rest with
cannon
fodder.
Because Angola
was no exception to the modus operandi of the CIA in Third World
countries.
Angola turned out to be too big, too rich and too strategic a territory
for
a movement such as the MPLA --with real national roots, whose founding
group
projected progressive thinking-- to consolidate itself as the popular
vanguard
first in the anticolonialist struggle and then in the struggle for
independence.
That popular force which had begun the first national liberation
war
against Portuguese colonialism in 1961, had to be counteracted and,
from
then on, the CIA took charge of financing the internal
counterrevolution
embodied in the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA,
formerly
the UPA and GPRAE) and its agent-chief Holden Roberto. Fort that
purpose,
it immediately had the unconditional collaboration of Mobutu, who was
also
to be placed in power as president with CIA complicity, thus
establishing
Zaire as the subsidiary regime for its schemes and Kinshasa as the main
launching
pad for its intervention in Angola.
On the military plane, NATO provided the support for Portugal in its
war
against the insurgent MPLA forces.
Nevertheless, none of the wise experts or their US espionage computers
could
predict that the very dynamics of the liberation war in the colonies
would
bring about the downfall of fascism in the metropolis and that, when
that
happened, a process of decolonization would be precipitated that, this
time,
would not have to answer to the typical neocolonialist procedures that
France
and England had applied on the African continent on other occasions.
The existence of a political situation that was not controlled by the
colonial
powers led the CIA into one of its biggest, dirtiest and costliest
operations
against the free will of any people according to the no less extensive
accumulation
of confessions and revelations formulated by some of the instigators
and
executors of the so-called.
Program for Angola
A report of the US Senate Security Committee revealed that the CIA's
secret
operations against Angola began before November, 1974, from its
Kinshasa
Station.
___(photograph)
with caption: ; John Stockwell, together with Holden Roberto.
Their
defeat by the revolutionary forces of the MPLA was fast
approaching.
John Stockwell and Jonas Savimbi in Angola.
A total of 18 Agency officers, some of them with prior experience in
Vietnam
and Laos, were accredited in the capital of Zaire for the mission of
making
contacts and providing supplies to the FNLA and UNITA groups. The
team
of operative and telecommunications officers from the CIA that worked
in
Kinshasa, mainly under diplomatic cover, included Stuart E. Methven,
Samuel
L. Martin, Roberto Benedetti, Nancy R. Buss, Peter T. Hanson, Bruce
Brett,
Jeffrey Panitt, Victoria Viger, Bruce Barnard, Robert W. Carmen, Peter
W.
Comar, Wilfred Gagnon, William Harner, Richard J. Harrinson, Martin
McFarlane,
David S. Markey, Thomas T. Mix and Nick E. Unger.
When the cease-fire between Portugal and the Angolan organization
occurred
in November, 1974, the FNLA entered Luanda with considerable military
forces
whose purpose it was to wipe out the MPLA or throw them out of the
transitional
government that was to be established in Luanda a month later,
following
the signing of the Alvor Accords. With CIA training, the FNLA
dedicated
its efforts to a bloody wave of kidnapping, torture, murder and the
virtual
massacre of MPLA members and sympathizers. The so-called
"people's
houses" that sprang up in some sectors of Luanda were centers of terror
in
which even cannibalism was practiced, as many of the accredited
correspondents
in Luanda were able to confirm.
___(photograph)
with caption: The agent Holden Roberto in company with Chinese
advisors.
John Stockwell, former head of the CIA Task Force for Angola has
pointed
out that the FNLA attacks on the MPLA began in February, 1975, after
the
Forty Committee had approved the designation of $300,000, for the
elimination
of the only legitimate representative of the Angolan people.
Stockwell adds that CIA intervention was undertaken through the so
called
"Program for Angola", submitted to President Ford and approved by him
in
his Presidential Findings which were then discussed by the Forty
Committee
in January, June and July of 1975. On July 14, the Agency was
requested
to draw up a covert plan of action for Operation Angola. This
plan
was elaborated by the CIA's Africa Division and presented on July
16.
That same day, it was approved by President Ford, who also authorized a
budget
of $6 million. On July 27, Ford authorized and additional
$8
million for the project.
At the same time, CIA director William Colby told the National Security
Council
that the Agency would really need to invest $100 million to ensure that
it
would win in Angola; but since a program of that financial magnitude
was
too difficult to keep secret, the final sum was $31 million.
The CIA program also included support for Jonas Savimbi, leader
of
UNITA, one of the organizations that Portuguese colonialism had adopted
in
1966 to fight against the MPLA guerrillas and which provided an
eventual
reserve for a neocolonialist changeover. In August, 1975
Stockwell
met in Zaire with UNITA's Minister of Foreign Affairs who then
accompanied
him to Silva Porto for an interview with Savimbi.
This contact mission was carried out with the approval of Colby,
Kissinger
and the White House itself.
Arms, dollars and mercenaries
In his book In Search of Enemies John Stockwell states that the program
was
launched when the first C-141 plane carrying arms left on July 29,
1975,
with two additional high priority flights in preparation. The
arms
came from CIA warehouses in Texas and the cargo was prepared in South
Carolina.
The Logistics Office was chiefly responsible for coordinating the US
part
of the program, while the CIA Africa Division, together with the
Special
Operations Group and liaison from the Air Forces, took charge of the
composition
of the cargo and sent the formal memo to the Pentagon requesting the
plane.
The station in Monrovia, Liberia, was in charge of refueling in the
Robertsfield
Base and Kinshasa was responsible for unloading the goods. The US
Navy
also contributed to implementing the "Program" by shipping arms to
Zaire
on its transport ship The American Champion.
But all these arms failed to shake the resistance of the MPLA, and
since
the FNLA-UNITA coalition had no popular support whatsoever, it withdrew
from
the transitional government, relying more on the results of a foreign
intervention
than on its own forces.
The CIA program then entered its most active and, to a certain extent,
desperate
phase. Its primary objective was to seize Luanda at all costs
before
November 11, the date set by the Alvor Accords for Portugal's
withdrawal.
Among its desperate actions, the CIA roused the Portuguese who were
still
in Luanda to kidnap planes with arms for the MPLA and fly them to
Kinshasa,
for $30,000 per flight. Meanwhile, the Navy was to intercept
ships
traveling between Luanda and Cabinda and support infantry actions on
shore.
For this project, various types of ships were acquired and equipped
with
artillery. Later they were turned over to the Zaireans and to
Portuguese
mercenaries.
Meanwhile, commando battalions of Mobutu's army were flown in
C-130's to Ambriz, where the so-called government of Holden Roberto had
been
set up. The brothers-in-law had decided that the occupation of
Luanda,
before November 11, would be the first step toward converting Angola
and
Zaire into a single state or a federation.
With the Zairean troops and the Portuguese mercenaries, what Col-by
referred
to as "intelligence compilers" came to Angola. The latter were
nothing
more or less than CIA experts who were supposed to direct, advise and
train
FNLA and UNITA forces in Angola territory.
During this period, the CIA also established coordination with the
French
Service for Foreign Documentation and Counterespionage (SDECE), after
taking
into account France's economic interests in Angola. Major French
oil
companies had created the FLEC to promote the recession of Cabinda, and
on
the military level, France was acting as a bridge for supplying a
substantial
portion of the weapons projected for the program.
The SDECE received intelligence reports from the CIA in Paris and, in
August
1975, CIA deputy director Vernon Walters promised that organization
$250,500
to recruit mercenaries. Bob Denard, a longtime mercenary who had
fought
for Mobutu in the Congo, was in charge of recruitment while the SDECE
was
to provide passports and visas and solve any legal problem that arose.
South Africa, a friend of the CIA
The former head of the Task Force for Angola says that some time before
the
invasion by the South African Army, the head of the CIA Africa
Division,
Potts was in favor of South Africa's participation. The heads of
the
CIA stations in Kinshasa, Pretoria and Lusaka agreed with Potts and
expressed
their support for direct participation by the South Africans.
"CIA
ties with South Africa's Bureau of State Security (BOSS) go back to the
60s
when they worked in close coordination in recruiting mercenaries for
the
civil war in the Congo", according to the magazine Counter Spy.
"Later", the magazine continues, "the United States went all out in
developing
the operational capacities of South African intelligence, especially in
the
realm of the strategic center of sea routes around the Cape, monitoring
places
that allowed them to look both north and south, in order to spy on the
governments
and liberation movements of Africa."
Thus, the Pretoria station maintained close links with the leadership
of
BOSS. CIA officers in the Kinshasa station and representatives of
BOSS
received two C-130 planes in Ndjilli and supervised the transfer of
their
cargos to a CIA c-141 that would carry the arms to Silva Porto, on
October
20, 1975, following orientations from CIA general headquarters.
It is known that the director of BOSS made two personal visits to
Washington
for secret meetings with the head of the CIA's Africa Division.
After the 11th
Midnight of November 10, 1975 came to Luanda, without the FNLA- UNITA,
without
mercenaries, Zaireans and South Africans; without Holden Roberto being
able
to go beyond his improvised lookout -- from which he would no longer
look
to the south.
The FAPLA victory in Quifandongo, and those in Quibala and Gavela,
which
stopped the South African blitzkrieg short, had saved Angola's
independence
and its future. The course of the war had been virtually
determined.
But that didn't stop the CIA's interventionist activity. Supplies
of
arms were stepped up between Kinshasa and Carmona, where the focal
point
of the FNLA was located then, and the recruiting of mercenaries was
reactivated,
now with the limited objective of achieving the division of the country.
CIA efforts to use mercenaries in Angola increased at the end of 1975
and
continued thereafter, even following the December 17, 1975, US Senate
vote,
by an overwhelming majority, prohibiting the use of US combat personnel
or
any type of aid to the divisionist groups in Angola "without the full
authority
of the US Congress". In defiance of that decision, the CIA
established
bases for recruiting mercenaries in London, Paris and Madrid and in
some
US cities.
At the beginning of December, 1975, the CIA made contact in Madrid with
former
Colonel Santos E. Castro, with a view to making plans to recruit a
mercenary
force of 300 Portuguese, who would go and fight with the FNLA --a force
for
which an initial sum of $110,000 was budgeted, although the total
operation,
including the costs of recruitment, wages, plane flights, maintenance
in
Angola and medical expenses, would come to more than $1.5 million.
In Miami, Manuel Artime, the well-known CIA agent an chief of the
mercenary
invasion of Cuba, set up a recruitment office to form a support brigade
for
UNITA and FNLA action, offering individual monthly salaries of up to
$1,000.
Around this time, in January of 1976, AP released statements by the
Playa
Giron mercenary Jose Antonio Prats, who claimed to be "representative
of
the UNITA and we have requests from Cubans and Latin Americans..."
According to the public testimony of the mercenaries tried in Luanda,
there
were various organizations controlled by the CIA that were engaged in
the
recruitment of mercenaries, such as the World Wild Geese Club, Phoenix
Associated
and Omega Group Limited.
In London there were two offices for this purpose, the Security
Advisory
Services (SAS) and the Mercenary Forces Group. In February, 1976,
John
Best, spokesman for the former, revealed that the recruitment was
financed
with US money that had been received through Major James E. Leonard,
Assistant
US Army Attache to the US Embassy in London, who acted as liaison with
the
SAS.
The CIA hasn't stopped
Even after the crushing defeat of the mercenaries in the provinces
bordering
on Zaire, strong repulsion of the attempts to invade Cabinda and the
total
withdrawal of South African troops, the CIA didn't give up organizing
and
financing actions against Angola.
The ex-head of the CIA in Angola points out in his book that, with the
first
part of the Angola adventure over in September, 1976, the CIA had
already
begun to evolve its intervention program for Ethiopia. At that
time,
in a meeting among Stockwell, the director of operations, and the head
of
the Ethiopia Somalia-Section, the future program for Ethiopia began to
be
drawn up. To Stockwell's surprise, the director of operations
proposed
that the CIA could request the launching of another covert action in
the
Horn of Africa.
The Luanda trial of mercenarism had barely ended when a meeting took
place
in the Azores Islands, in June, 1976 organized by the Political Adviser
to
the Head of UNITA, a US citizen and CIA official, with the aim of
reactivating
cooperation between the counterrevolutionary group and the Agency.
In May of that year, the Organization of Free Africa (OAL) was created
to
infiltrate into the former Portuguese colonies and try to destabilize
their
governments through such actions as sabotage, criminal assaults and
assassinations.
OAL headquarters was in Madrid and it had branches in Miami, Paris and
other
important cities. Its most active members included a number of
Cuban-born
counterrevolutionaries, whose representative belonged to the
counterrevolutionary
CORU group, protected, naturally by the CIA.
More recent information indicates the arrival in Zaire after December,
1977,
of groups of French, US and Belgian mercenaries whose mission is to
support
operations against Angola in Maquela de Zamboen in the north.
The CIA hasn't stopped its "program" in Angola, nor in the rest of
Africa
--wherever the people decide to struggle to become masters of their own
destiny.
The CIA continues to be the operational arm of US imperialism's policy
of
acting as international gendarme, an arm for the forces of peace,
progress
and socialism to cut off.
The "Maxim" Case
A movie house was the clue that led to the identification and location
of
Francisco Munoz Olive (alias Montes), once the state security bodies
had
collected sufficient information to know that there existed in Cuba an
individual
who worked for the CIA under that alias.
Who was Montes? Where did he live? What did he do? What were his
activities?
Cuban security had received a scanty piece of information during its
investigations:
"He lives near or in front of a movie house, one block away from
Ayestaran,
a street in the center of Havana."
The only movie house in this location was the Maxim theater.
Therefore,
from then on, the Security Bodies began to refer to the search for
Montes,
the CIA agent, as the Maxim case.
Shortly thereafter, with the help of the mass organizations,
particularly
the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, they determined that
in
front of that movie house, on Bruzon Street, in the house numbered 65,
in
apartment number 2, lived a tall, heavy- set man, light complected, who
had
been a member of the police force for many years prior to the
Revolution
and presently received a pension from the State. This man was
Francisco
Munoz Olive. He was the CIA agent Montes.
The CIA had provided Montes with the technical equipment that he used
in
his work: a radio received, carbon paper for invisible writing,
code
keys for receiving messages, etc.
___(photograph)
with caption: Radio-receiver used to capture messages sent from
the
United States.
The first important contact that Montes made in order to build his
network
was Rafaela Rojas, who had a long and ominous counterrevolutionary
history
in Oriente province and who had been convicted and imprisoned by a
revolutionary
court for these activities.
It was through Joan of Arc, the alias that Montes himself gave Rojas
when
she moved to Havana after serving her sentence, that Munoz Olive
recruited
some of the members of his network. Montes himself spent long
"rest"
periods in a chalet belonging to his wife's family in the city of
Holguin,
and here he directly recruited an expoliticker from that region into
the
network.
Montes did not spent all his time "resting", as he would have it
appear.
He spent much of his time collecting economic, political and military
information
on Oriente and he sent his secretly written messages to the CIA right
from
Holguin. He often went to Santiago de Cuba, the capital of former
Oriente
providence, in order to meet with one of his collaborators who had
moved
from Havana to Santiago shortly after having been recruited into the
group.
Another target point for the network was the area of Antilla and Banes,
in
Oriente. Some members were recruited from this very area,
including
Melba de Feria Santiesteban, a large landholder who was affected by the
Agrarian
Reform Law and who became one of the most important of agent Montes'
collaborators,
after "Joan of Arc" left the country.
Melba de Feria, profoundly reactionary and anti-communist, played a
leading
role in the network as the link between her boss and some of his
collaborators.
She herself recruited Dr. Martha Frayde Barraque (alias Fuente) and for
a
long time acted as the direct link between the doctor and Montes.
Fuentes,
as she was known in combat by the CIA, became a source of very valuable
information.
She had many friends and a wide variety of activities that permitted
her
to obtain information that she systematically relayed to the CIA
network
chief.
Dr. Martha Frayde Barraque took advantage of her large social circle,
composed
of both personal and professional relations, to obtain secret
information
on Cuba, which she then handed over to the government of the United
States.
The group of informants was varied and dissimilar, although the
majority
could be identified as reactionary elements, embittered, traitors
--enemies
of the Revolution. It is worth noting that
Dr. Frayde maintained personal contracts with members of the diplomatic
corps
accredited in Cuba, through which the CIA agent managed to acquire
illegal
resources and materials for her enemy activity.
Also, Dr. Frayde maintained regular contacts with Cuban elements who,
attracted
by diversionist propaganda and campaigns coming from the Chinese
Embassy
in Cuba, provided her with information about these matters.
The information which Martha Frayde obtained was so important to the
CIA
that this US Government agency decided to pay her a monthly salary in
dollars
which was collected in Madrid, Spain, by the doctor's good friend Maria
Sifontes
Vazquez (alias Beba). Beba was to safe the money since Dr. Frayde
was
planning to leave Cuba.
MSJ ONE EIGHT FIVE X RECEIVED SIX BUT FOUR MISSING X PLEASE SEND AGAIN
FOUR
STILL URGENTLY NEED MESSAGE ONE EIGHT FOUR ON POLITICAL PRISONERS XX ON
TRAINING
OF CHILEANS AND VENEZUELANS AND NAMES AND AIMS FORESEEN XXX STILL
INTERESTED
IN PLANS LEAVE OR SEND CUBAN FORCES TO ANY PART AFRICA AND IS THERE WAY
OF
KNOWING WHEN ISIDORO MALMIERCA LEAVES FOR TRIP AND TO WHERE XX
GREETINGS
MAXIMO
One of the characteristics of this type of espionage network is the
observance
of the classical rules of compartmentalization and secrecy. Since
Munoz
Olive served many years in police forces and had been educated directly
by
CIA and FBI officials with whom he had tight relations, he rigorously
demanded
the application of the standard rules that US intelligence agencies
follow
in order to safeguard their subversive and illegal activities.
The official links between Munoz Olive and US repressive bodies were
established
before the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. At that time, he
maintained
relations with US citizens accredited as diplomats of the US Embassy in
Cuba.
Actually, they were advisers from the Batista police force. After
January
1, 1959, Munoz Olive expanded these relations, particularly with David
Morales,
a US Embassy attache, who took charge of recruiting into the Yankee
Central
Intelligence Agency. In practice, Munoz Olive became Morales'
operative
assistant and carried out numerous intelligence tasks for him.
Afterwards,
other CIA officials were put in charge of Munoz Olive until, in 1961,
diplomatic
relations between the US and Cuba were severed.
Agent Montes, considered to be a very reliable and trustworthy man and
having
the endorsement of long-standing official links with the FBI, was
useful
to the Intelligence Service that functioned in Yankee diplomatic
headquarters
and, particularly, to CIA officials who collaborated with him in
different
activities, such as accompanying and guiding North Americans who were
carrying
out complex and sensitive intelligence operations, recruiting telegraph
operators
and sources of information, selecting and furnishing secret houses for
training
agents, and moving in espionage equipment and materials.
Montes spy ring was duly supplied with special modern communications
equipment.
These were built in the CIA laboratories and were supplied to the
principal
agent by means of caches or deposits made in secure, previously
selected
places. Agent Munoz Olive, who had a car, drove to places near
the
coast outside Havana, in the area of Guanabo, the Mariel road, and
other
sites, in order to pick up shipments of transmitters, accessories, and
large
sums of Cuban money which the CIA headquarters sent periodically from
the
US.
Each Wednesday, at 10 a.m., and each Saturday at 11:30 a.m., the
windows
and balcony doors of 65 Bruzon Street, apartment 2, closed. These
were
t he days and the hours in which the CIA transmitted to Francisco Munoz
Olive
directly from Langley, Virginia. On those days, at those times,
Munoz
Olive exhibited a keen love for Spanish instrumental music, in
particular,
two pieces: "El Relicario" (The Relic), and "Por el Mundo" (In
this
world).
When one of these pieces was heard over the frequency on which Olive
was
to receive the transmission, it indicated that a message would or would
not
be transmitted that day. If "El Relicario" was played, Olive
would
take pencil and paper and copy the numbers which were transmitted
immediately
afterwards. If the other piece was played, Olive would be able to
open
his windows and doors once again. That day there would be no
message.
What interests did the CIA raise with Montes? Many and varied
ones.
In the messages from Langley, signed by Maximo, the network was urged
to
obtain secret information about military, economic and political
affairs:
military units, the movements of the leaders of the Revolution and
their
friends, the harvest, friendship with diplomats, wives, and technicians
from
socialist countries, international events held in Cuba, Cuba's policies
with
respect to Latin America. These were among the more frequent
interests
that the CIA raised with Munoz Olive for the purpose of using this
information
in plans against Cuba.
We want to refer to one specific matter. After 1970, the CIA
pressed
Montes' network several times to transmit information about Chilean
exiles
and other Chilean revolutionaries living in Cuba.
With this request for information that obviously has nothing to do with
"the
security of the United States Government", the CIA once again
manifested
its complicity with Pinochet and the criminals that have installed a
fascist
regime in Chile. For what and for whom does the CIA information
about
the activities of Chileans in Cuba?
As is known, one of the main objectives of the activities against Cuba
planned
by the CIA has been the physical elimination of Commander in Chief
Fidel
Castro, and espionage has been used for these criminal ends.
The Agency instructed Munoz Olive to collect information about the
movements
of revolutionary leaders and government officials, particularly about
their
trips outside of Cuba, and transmit this information to
Langley.
They wanted to know the dates and itineraries of trips. Why did
the
CIA want this type of information? Perhaps to carry out its
diabolical,
terrorist, criminal plans?
For some time now the windows and doors of the apartment in front of
the
Maxim theater do not have to be closed on certain morning hours of
Wednesday
and Saturday. The network of spies has been captured.
The Department of State Security captured from the ring-leader's house
the
RR-48 and its accessories, the carbon paper for invisible writing,
drafts
of messages received and sent, informative reports from the members of
the
network, codes for ciphering and deciphering messages,
counterrevolutionary
propaganda, a gun other instruments that Munoz Olive used when he
belonged
to the repressive bodies of the Batista tyranny, and large sums of
money.
All this was found in hiding places behind an altar, in a false
compartment
of a night table, and inside of books hollowed out to store money.
And so the Maxim case was closed.
Conversation with "Delfin"
The CIA Radio-station in Havana up to January 3rd. 1961
___(photographs
with caption: 1. John Z. Williams, officer of the CIA Station in Havana
1959.
2. David A. Morales Sanchez, officer of the CIA station in
Havana,
1959
A US Senate Select Committee for investigating US intelligence
activities
chaired by Frank Church, has recently acknowledged publicly that a CIA
station
operated out of the US Embassy in Havana --as a center of subversion,
destabilization,
counterrevolution and plots to assassinate Fidel Castro and other
leaders
of the Revolution-- up to the very day the Eisenhower administration
decided
to break relations with Cuba.
This is no news to our people. As early as 1959, Cuban Security
officers,
among them Valiente G. Gonzalez Morales, managed to penetrate the CIA
Station
in Havana as recruits and even played a significant role in the
counterrevolutionary
plots that were hatched there.
___(photographs)
with caption:
1. Roberto E. Van Horn, head of the CIA radio Station in Havana,
until
January 3rd, 1961
2. Erikson S. Nichols, officer of the CIA Station in Havana, 1959.
3. Delfin
In 1959, on instructions from our newly created state security bodies
Gonzalez
Morales (Delfin) managed to learn certain details about how the CIA
Station
on the 5th floor of the US Embassy systematically operated and directed
activities
against the Cuban Revolution organizing counterrevolutionary groups;
recruiting
counterrevolutionary leaders; promoting banditry; supplying arms,
ammunition,
sabotage material and funds to counterrevolutionary groups and
organizations,
and plotting the overthrow of the revolutionary government in line with
CIA
and US governmental plans.
First, Delfin infiltrated the Anti-Communist Legion of the Caribbean
(LAC),
led by the CIA in that area. When a LAC branch was set up in
Cuba,
he met with Carlos Dominguez, a member of the CIA operation group and
Vice
President of Chrysler Company in Havana. According to Delfin,
"this
Dominguez had played and important role as a CIA agent in the operation
that
wound up with the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala."
Three other members of the LAC leadership also took part in that
meeting
held early in 1959 at Dominguez's house in Nautico Residential
Area:
Julio Oton Sanchez, national coordinator; Erbe Vergara, Roberto
Hernan.
Erbe Vergara was also a Cuban State Security officer and the enemy used
that
interview to recruit Delfin and Vergara for the CIA
"Dominguez asked me a great number of questions, Delfin related:
my
social background, whether I had been baptized, whether I had
participated
in the revolutionary struggle, whom I had worked with in the
revolutionary
movement, what I thought about Communism, my date of birth...A few days
later,
I was summoned to the American Embassy.
"The Anti-Communist League of the Caribbean had the CIA's ok but we
were
told not to let the rank-and-file members of LAC in on the fact that it
was
run by the CIA and was in contact with the US Embassy.
The CIA Station in Havana was on the 5th floor of the Embassy. I
was
given an ordinary envelope containing a code name that admitted me to
the
CIA station office where I was received by CIA station chief, Major
Robert
Van Horn. Dominguez introduced him to me and told me that Robert
would
give me a rundown on the structure and functioning of the
counterrevolutionary
organization.
"I went to lots of meetings always alone, as was the case with other
leaders
of the Anti-Communist League. We all had different days. I
used
to go on Tuesdays, at 10 a.m. At first we were given a sort of
training
course in how our counterrevolutionary organization should work.
"We were told how to set up a counterrevolutionary organization, the
different
sections to be created, everything that had to be set up and put into
operation,
the compartmentalization that had to abe maintained among the
members...They
would say it had to be organized from the top down and not from the
bottom
up, to prevent penetration by Cuba's G-2, or state security bodies.
"LAC should accomplish certain missions and carry out liaison
work.
Through LAC, the CIA would supply military equipment to other
counterrevolutionary
organizations, bands, terrorist groups. They incited and support
the
rise of counterrevolutionary bands. LAC for example, was
entrusted
with creating a banditry center in Pinar del Rio. At first their
plan
was to divide the country into three parts and launch a US-supported
invasion
on the southern part of Cuba. We were very often told about the
need
to eliminate Fidel, Raul, Che and other leaders of the Revolution.
"Robert Van Horn and Dominguez assigned me the task of organizing
action
and sabotage cells and a supply network for the counterrevolutionary
bands,
with a chain of contacts and liaison with other counterrevolutionary
organizations
in every province, to determine where it would be possible to stage the
bandit
uprisings and, in general, supply weapons, ammunitions and military
equipment
"They provided me with certain contacts with bands already established
in
Las Villas province. In Santa Clara, for example, the CIA liaison
with
bandit chiefs Evelio Duque, first and Tomas San Gil later, was Mr.
Bonanza.
I was also provided with contacts that the CIA had with Benito Campos'
and
Blas Tardio's bands and others.
"I held several interviews with their respective liaisons, with the aim
of
making maps of the area so dates, signals and sites could be selected
for
dropping weapons. These weapons, which the CIA sent in from
abroad,
gradually fell into the hands of the Rebel Army, since I naturally
passed
this information on to our headquarters in the Cuban Security
immediately.
"Roberto and Dominguez appointed me Head of Action and Sabotage of the
Anti-Communist
League of the Caribbean and CIA liaison. This was made official
in
June, 1960, at a meeting to step up counterrevolutionary activity,
explain
LAC's role in the final phase of the plan against Cuba, and what steps
the
US Government and revolutionary government.
"That meeting was called by CIA officers Major Robert Van Horn, Carlos
Dominguez
and Lieutenant Colonel Erikson S. Nichols, known as "Frank" whose
cover
was a diplomatic post in the US Embassy. Some 20 CIA trained LAC
members
also attended this meeting held at a farm in Cacahual owned by a
counterrevolutionary.
It was planned as a birthday party so as not to arouse suspicion.
"Among other things we were told that we would have to supply men for
the
bands and send men abroad for training; that they would supply weapons
to
the organizations and bandits; establish an economic and diplomatic
blockade
of Cuba; stage a provocation -- a fake aggression against Guantanamo
Naval
Base, and that there would be a US supported invasion from abroad.
On December 3, 1960, the Cuban State Security arrested more than 40
ringleaders
of counterrevolutionary gangs. At their trial, both Delfin, the
alleged
CIA agent and LAC Head of Action and Sabotage, and Erbe Vergara,
testifies
and publicly unmasked the CIA's participation in every subversive and
criminal
action against Cuba.
Finally, they charged that US diplomatic headquarters in Havana was
being
used by the CIA to direct the counterrevolution and aggressive plots
against
our country.
Significantly, just a few days later the Eisenhower administration
decided
to break relations with Cuba in a new step to isolate Cuba and create
an
international atmosphere propitious for launching the armed aggression
against
Cuba engineered by the CIA from abroad.
Shortly thereafter, on January 3, 1961, the US Embassy closed its
doors...
But the US Central Intelligence Agency's criminal and subversive
activity
against the people, the Cuban Revolution and its leaders did not stop.
A CIA provocation
The CIA espionage and control centre, opposite the Cuban Embassy and
Consulate,
at 149-1 Francisco Marquez Street in the Capital of Mexico.
From the vantage point, photos of all Cuban officials and visitors to
the
Cuban diplomatic offices were made, bugging devices installed in the
various
diplomatic offices were monitored and communications were established
with
a CIA surveillance team to check and harass anyone who went to the
Consulate
Embassy.
There are no limits to CIA activities against Cuba, to carry out its
illegal
and anti-Cuban activities, the Central Intelligence Agency often uses
third
countries, even those that maintain good relations with Cuba, in an
effort
to create problems for these governments.
A good example of this was the CIA surveillance and espionage of the
Cuban
Embassy and Consulate in Mexico City, their staff and visitors.
All
this work was done inside Mexico, in flagrant violation of the laws of
that
friendly country and with disdain for the sincere feelings of sympathy
and
friendship the people of Benito Juarez's homeland felt for the Cuba of
Jose
Marti.
In his book, published in 1975, former CIA agent Philip Agee revealed
that
"The Cuban operations section (in Mexico) consists of two case
officers.
Francis Sherry and Joe Piccolo, and a secretary under Embassy cover and
one
case officer under non-official cover. An observation post for
photographic
coverage and radio contact with the LIEMBRACE surveillance team is
functioning,
as well as LIENVOY telephone monitoring and LIFIRE airport travel
control.
Agee went on to say that "The most important current operation targeted
against
the Cuban mission is an attempted audio penetration using the telephone
system.
Telephone company engineers working in the LIDENY tapping operation
will
eventually install new wall boxes for the Embassy telephones in which
sub-
miniature transmitters with switches will have been cast by TSD".
The espionage and surveillance center
The LIEMBRACE surveillance team mentioned by Agee was headed by an
individual
known as Guillermito, who lived at No. 1217 Pitagoras St., and had a
mustard-yellow
Valiant, license plate number JV-532. At first, his headquarters
were
at No. 16 Agrarismo St.
The operations center of this CIA team for harassing and spying on the
Cuban
Consulate and Embassy was located at No. 149-1 Francisco Marquez St.,
Colonia
Condesa, opposite the Cuban mission. This group worked actively
up
to 1972, when it was disbanded.
Up to that time, the CIA checked the entrance and exit of persons who
visited
the Cuban Embassy and Consulate in Mexico City from there,
photographing
everyone including the staff, using electronic espionage and installing
bugging
devices in the diplomatic offices. It was also a liaison and
communications
center for the CIA surveillance team in the surrounding area.
Alberto Cesar Augusto Rodriguez Gallego, who pretended to be a
Colombian,
but was actually born in Havana, was the CIA's main agent in the
Espionage
Center at No. 149 Francisco Marquez St.
___(photograph)
with caption: CIA agent Rodriguez Gallego who now lives in Spain
Data on Rodriguez Gallego
He was born in Havana on November 6, 1922, attended grammar school in
Tampa,
Florida, and graduated from the University of Havana Law School.
From
1941 to 1950, he worked in the legal department of the Cuban Finance
Company,
and later for the Cuban Telephone Company, one of the most powerful US
monopolies
on the Island. There, Rodriguez Gallego managed to become the
president's
right- hand man.
He left Cuba for Mexico in 1960. There he lived at No. 800-1
Bolivar
Street, Colonia Alamos, Mexico, D.F. and, in late 1961 he moved to No.
149-1
Francisco Marquez Street, Colonia Condesa, Mexico 11. D.F. (Telephone
514-74-967).
Then and there, the CIA's Espionage and Surveillance Center came into
existence.
From a window on the third floor of the house Rodriguez Gallego watched
all
the visitors to the Consulate, working full time for the CIA throughout
his
stay in Mexico.
When the CIA's LIEMBRACE group was temporarily disbanded in 1972,
Rodriguez
Gallego hurriedly set off for Spain to carry out missions for the
Central
Intelligence. There he bought apartment 7-A at No. 194 Manzanares
Avenue,
Madrid 26, where he now lives.
He is listed as assistant director of the Berlitz English Language
Academy,
at No. 80 Jose Antonio Avenue, Madrid.
Bugging Techniques
The espionage tapping operation that Philip Agee mentions in his book
was
a CIA job that used the telephone network in the offices of the Cuban
ambassador
and his secretary, in the consulate and the consul's office and in the
sentry
box. Nor is this the only espionage action against the Cuban
Consulate
and Embassy in Mexico City.
Another kind of device was discovered when the chairs in the
ambassador's
office were sent to be upholstered. Another time the CIA placed a
bugging
device in a sofa that had been sent for reupholstering, along with four
chairs,
to the Bucky shop, at No. 418 Coyoacan Avenue, Acc. B. Colonia del
Valle,
Mexico 12 D.F. It has been established that these espionage
devices
were installed while the furniture was in that upholstery shop.
End of Page
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1998-2010 Cuban Information Archives. All Rights Reserved.
